Saturday, November 29, 2008
Friday, November 28, 2008
most tragic incidents in India's history
by-AMITABH THAKUR
Though this does not concern our group exactly, but as we are all aware, the incidents in Mumbai, which are still not completely over, in which ATS chief of Mumbai Police Hemant Karkare -- who was investigating the Malegaon blast case, Additional Commissioner Ashok Kamte, noted encounter specialist Vijay Salaskar, ATS sub-inspector Sudhir Dalvi and many other police officers were killed in different accidents during a series of encounters in Mumbai, must be among the most tragic and gruesome incidents in Independent India's history. This is more bizarre and unthinkable than I could even have dreamt.
54-year-old Mr. Karkare, who was the 1982 batch Indian Police Service (IPS) officer, held a Bachelor of Engineering degree from Vishveshvarayya Regional Engineering in Nagpur. Before joining ATS, he was aslso with the RAW (the external intelligence wing of our country) for nine years . For a long time, he also served in the
Naxalite-infested Chandarpur area of the state. He had solved the serial bomb blasts in Thane, Vashi and Panvel. He was credited for the stunning revelations in the investigation of the September 29 blast in Malegaon goes to his credit. He was known for his discipline and fair investigation. During the Malegaon investigation, Karkare had told his officers not to create false evidence, said, "We have done our job and it is for the court to decide." During the Malegaon enquiry, he was subjected to a lot of criticism from many quarters. He even got a threat of his house getting blown up. His brave act of fighting the terrorists ended in tragedy Additional police commissioner Ashok Marutirao Kamte had served as Commissioner of Police for Solapur District earlier to his current posting. He was an IPS officer of 1989 batch. He also got killed in a shootout at the Metro Cinema in Mumbai long with Hemant Karkare and Vijay Salaskar. He was a Graduate from The Rajkumar College, Rajkot in 1977, was a body builder and power-lifter who had won six gold and silver medals in power-lifting and held three records for the sport. He was also DCP, Zone 1in Mumbai, and was known as a key officer in the state police, who had always been in the thick of the action.
Vijay Salaskar, who was reportedly sidelined for the last two years for unearthing the gutka-underworld nexus, was recently attached to the crime branch, where he currently headed the anti-extortion cell. An officer of the 1983 batch, Salaskar in his 24 years of service has eliminated many criminals. Amar Naik, Jaggu Shetty, Sadhu Shetty, Kundan Singh Rawat, Zahoor Makhanda are some of the gangsters who had fallen to Salaskar's bullets. He was also known to have acted in a real tough manner against Arun Gawli. He had killed his two trusted men, Sada Pawle and Vijay Tandel, in 1997 during an enclounter. Gawli remained rightly scared of Salaskar all through.
There can be no denial to the fact that this is not only a great moment of tragedy for India but is also one for the highest concern. We must pay our highest tributes to these slain police personnel who laid their lives for the sake of their nation-making the supreme sacrifice and must also pray for the peace of all the departed souls.
Though this does not concern our group exactly, but as we are all aware, the incidents in Mumbai, which are still not completely over, in which ATS chief of Mumbai Police Hemant Karkare -- who was investigating the Malegaon blast case, Additional Commissioner Ashok Kamte, noted encounter specialist Vijay Salaskar, ATS sub-inspector Sudhir Dalvi and many other police officers were killed in different accidents during a series of encounters in Mumbai, must be among the most tragic and gruesome incidents in Independent India's history. This is more bizarre and unthinkable than I could even have dreamt.
54-year-old Mr. Karkare, who was the 1982 batch Indian Police Service (IPS) officer, held a Bachelor of Engineering degree from Vishveshvarayya Regional Engineering in Nagpur. Before joining ATS, he was aslso with the RAW (the external intelligence wing of our country) for nine years . For a long time, he also served in the
Naxalite-infested Chandarpur area of the state. He had solved the serial bomb blasts in Thane, Vashi and Panvel. He was credited for the stunning revelations in the investigation of the September 29 blast in Malegaon goes to his credit. He was known for his discipline and fair investigation. During the Malegaon investigation, Karkare had told his officers not to create false evidence, said, "We have done our job and it is for the court to decide." During the Malegaon enquiry, he was subjected to a lot of criticism from many quarters. He even got a threat of his house getting blown up. His brave act of fighting the terrorists ended in tragedy Additional police commissioner Ashok Marutirao Kamte had served as Commissioner of Police for Solapur District earlier to his current posting. He was an IPS officer of 1989 batch. He also got killed in a shootout at the Metro Cinema in Mumbai long with Hemant Karkare and Vijay Salaskar. He was a Graduate from The Rajkumar College, Rajkot in 1977, was a body builder and power-lifter who had won six gold and silver medals in power-lifting and held three records for the sport. He was also DCP, Zone 1in Mumbai, and was known as a key officer in the state police, who had always been in the thick of the action.
Vijay Salaskar, who was reportedly sidelined for the last two years for unearthing the gutka-underworld nexus, was recently attached to the crime branch, where he currently headed the anti-extortion cell. An officer of the 1983 batch, Salaskar in his 24 years of service has eliminated many criminals. Amar Naik, Jaggu Shetty, Sadhu Shetty, Kundan Singh Rawat, Zahoor Makhanda are some of the gangsters who had fallen to Salaskar's bullets. He was also known to have acted in a real tough manner against Arun Gawli. He had killed his two trusted men, Sada Pawle and Vijay Tandel, in 1997 during an enclounter. Gawli remained rightly scared of Salaskar all through. There can be no denial to the fact that this is not only a great moment of tragedy for India but is also one for the highest concern. We must pay our highest tributes to these slain police personnel who laid their lives for the sake of their nation-making the supreme sacrifice and must also pray for the peace of all the departed souls.
Thursday, November 27, 2008
Terrorist attack in Mumbai
THE sheer scale and audacity of the assault were staggering. Gangs of well-armed youths attacked two luxury hotels, a restaurant, a railway station and at least one hospital. Gunfire and explosions rang through Mumbai overnight on November 26th-27th and through the next morning. By Thursday November 27th more than 100 people were reported to have been killed, and the toll seemed likely to rise. Several foreigners, including some from America, Japan and Britain, were among the dead. So were over a dozen policemen, including Mumbai’s chief counter-terrorism officer. Up to 100 hostages, including selected American and British guests, were alleged to be held hostage inside a hotel.
Even in a city—and country—with a grim record of terrorist violence, these were extraordinary scenes. The attacks started at around 10.30pm on Wednesday, when gunmen started shooting and throwing grenades at Mumbai’s main Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus railway station. Television footage showed two men shooting at random as they drove through nearby streets in a stolen police jeep. Around the same time, a bomb was reported to have exploded in a taxi parked near the city’s main airport. More or less simultaneously, gunmen speaking Hindi and Urdu, the language of many north-Indian Muslims and of neighbouring Pakistan, stormed two hotels—the Taj Mahal and the Trident Oberoi—and Café Leopold, a restaurant popular with tourists. Police outside the Taj Mahal, India’s most famous hotel, lapped by the Arabian Sea, said gunmen arrived there by inflatable dinghy. In the early hours, a gunfight erupted on Marine Drive, the scenic coastal road seen in so many Bollywood films, in which another Mumbai police chief was killed.
As dawn broke, flames were rising from the domed roof of the Taj Mahal. Navy and army commandos, who had retaken the hotel’s lower floors and killed two terrorists, reported bodies in many rooms and perhaps half a dozen terrorists still living. A trickle of terrified employees and guests, some with gunshot wounds, continued to flee the building. One fugitive, Amit, a hotel-restaurant manager, said his chef had been hit by three bullets and many colleagues remained inside. A few badly-injured survivors were wheeled from the hotel on brass luggage-trolleys. By midday on Thursday most of the hostages were reported to have been released from the hotel, although there were reports of further shooting. Meanwhile at the nearby Trident Oberoi, as many as 100 hostages were reported still to be held. Gunfire and explosions were reported from the upper storeys of the building.There seemed little doubt that the attackers were Muslim militants of some description, but their exact provenance was unclear. Responsibility was claimed by a previously little-known group called the Deccan Mujahideen. Speaking to Indian television by telephone, a gunman holding hostages in the Trident Oberoi demanded that Muslim prisoners, including those captured in Kashmir, should be released from Indian jails. “Release all the mujahideens, and Muslims living in India should not be troubled,” he said.
In the past five months India has suffered from a spate of Islamist militancy, with bomb-blasts in half a dozen cities, including Delhi, Bangalore and Jaipur. A home-grown Muslim terrorist group, the Indian Mujahideen, has been blamed for the spree, in which over 150 people were killed. In a chilling, 14-page admission of responsibility for the Delhi bombings in September, the Indian Mujahideen castigated the counter-terrorism efforts of Mumbai’s police, and promised Mumbaikars future “deadly attacks”.
As India’s first indigenous Muslim terrorist group—so they have often been described—the Indian Mujahideen are a worrying sign. They seem to have evolved from a decade-long campaign by Pakistan-based militants, including many fighting an insurgency in Kashmir, to incite India’s 140m Muslims to revolt. These groups have been held primarily responsible for half a dozen major terrorist attacks in Mumbai in recent years. In 1993 local Muslim gangsters backed by Pakistan-based militants set off 13 near-simultaneous bomb-blasts in the city, killing more than 250 people. In 2006 another co-ordinated bombing spree on Mumbai’s railway killed over 180 commuters. A Pakistan-based group, Lashkar-e-toiba, was blamed at the time.This week’s attacks in Mumbai seemed different, however. Attacks by bands of gunmen on numerous targets, instead of the mere laying of bombs, and the seizure of so many hostages, led to speculation, unsupported by evidence, that local militants in India could not have mounted the attacks without considerable foreign help. And the targets chosen—world famous hotels and Western tourists—was a new phenomenon for India, despite being a pattern familiar from attacks directed or inspired by al-Qaeda elsewhere in the world.
Al-Qaeda has often threatened to launch strikes on India. In 2006 Arab terrorists belonging to the organisation were foiled in an attempt to set off bombs in Goa, India’s main destination for foreign tourists. Among the targets of the latest attacks was a Jewish religious centre in southern Mumbai which was reported to have been attacked by the gunmen. Police said that an Israeli rabbi and his family were among a group being held as hostages in a nearby apartment block.
Despite these worrying signs, Indian officials have so far resisted suggestions that Indian Muslims are being radicalised and joining a global jihad. Many refer approvingly to the observation of George Bush that Muslims from India have not in general turned up to fight the infidels on the battlefields of Iraq and Afghanistan. But security analysts have meanwhile despaired at the unpreparedness of India’s security agencies to counter a domestic Islamist threat. Whether or not al-Qaeda was behind the latest attack, that happy complacency must now have ended. (reuters)
Wednesday, November 26, 2008
Statement of BHRPC on the Death of a young journalist
Barak Human Rights Protection Committee (BHRPC), a human rights organisation based in Silchar, Assam expresses agony and grave concern at yet another cruel and untimely death of a young journalist caused by unidentified gunmen. Mr. Jagjit Saikia, a Kokrajhar (Assam) based reporter, who worked with "Amar Asom", a local daily in the Assamese language, was reportedly shot at by miscreants on November 22 afternoon in Kokrajhar town which caused his death. BHRPC categorically condemns this cowardly act and sends condolences to the family members of the deceased journalist and extends solidarity with the media fraternity.
BHRPC sees it not only as another blow to the media, which is regarded as a pillar of democracy, but also as the naked manifestation of the brutality to which the continuous assault on the right to freedom of thought and expression guaranteed under
Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India has reached. The State and Union Governments are under obligations in International Human Rights Law as well as duty bound under the Law of the Land to ensure the exercise of this inalienable human right by its citizens. It is evident from this and other such incidence of attack on the media and the people's right to freedom of expression including the incidence of death of Konsam Rishikanta, a trainee sub-editor of The Imphal Free Press, an English daily of Manipur on 17 November, at the hands of unidentified shooters that the Indian State is miserably failed to protect basic human rights of the citizens.
BHRPC urges the Union and State Governments:
1. To conduct prompt, objective and transparent investigations into both of the incidents.
2. To bring the perpetrators of these ghastly acts to book and punish them as per law.
3. To pay adequate compensation to the dependants relatives of the deceased.
4. To ensure security of the life of journalist.
5. To protect the right to freedom of expression and thought of the people by going hard on those elements who pose threat to it. BHRPC also wrote Urgent Appeal to the Prime Minister of India sending copies to the Home Minster of the Union Government of India,Chief Minister of Assam and others conveying these demands.(by-Waliullah Ahmed Laskar, Liaison Officer,Silchar,Assam,India)
BHRPC sees it not only as another blow to the media, which is regarded as a pillar of democracy, but also as the naked manifestation of the brutality to which the continuous assault on the right to freedom of thought and expression guaranteed under
Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India has reached. The State and Union Governments are under obligations in International Human Rights Law as well as duty bound under the Law of the Land to ensure the exercise of this inalienable human right by its citizens. It is evident from this and other such incidence of attack on the media and the people's right to freedom of expression including the incidence of death of Konsam Rishikanta, a trainee sub-editor of The Imphal Free Press, an English daily of Manipur on 17 November, at the hands of unidentified shooters that the Indian State is miserably failed to protect basic human rights of the citizens.
BHRPC urges the Union and State Governments:
1. To conduct prompt, objective and transparent investigations into both of the incidents.
2. To bring the perpetrators of these ghastly acts to book and punish them as per law.
3. To pay adequate compensation to the dependants relatives of the deceased.
4. To ensure security of the life of journalist.
5. To protect the right to freedom of expression and thought of the people by going hard on those elements who pose threat to it. BHRPC also wrote Urgent Appeal to the Prime Minister of India sending copies to the Home Minster of the Union Government of India,Chief Minister of Assam and others conveying these demands.(by-Waliullah Ahmed Laskar, Liaison Officer,Silchar,Assam,India)
Murder of a young journalist
A young journalist Konsam Rishikanta Singh in Manipur . He was killed on 17 November 2008 near Second Sangai Home, Langol Hill range by unknown armed personnel suspected to security forces. Not even twenty, Konsam was Junior Sub-editor, Imphal Free Press and was also pursuing B.Sc. 1st Year, Standard College, Kongba. The autopsy conducted at the morgue of the Regional Institute of Medical Sciences stated that the body bored three bullet injuries one below the chin and two at the chest. He belonged to a very ordinary family. His father holds a Diploma in Electrical Engineering but is unemployed and mother is a housewife.
He has two unmarried sisters. He was good in studies, hard-working and was an idealistic person. He dropped out from college in the year 2007 so that his sister could continue her studies without isturbances. He demise has caused great irreparable loss to the family.
The killing of the young, energetic, struggling and dedicated journalist Konsam Rishikanta Singh in Manipur, supposedly by the bullets of the Armed Force personnel, is another sad and condemnable incidence on the face of Indian democracy. No one knows how many innocent people these defence personnel have killed in their bloodthirsty way. What is even more hurting and serious is the manner in which these forces behave in the aftermath of such incidents. Instead of taking the responsibility and iterating their commitment to take the guilty personas to task, these forces believe in the only policy they know best- " to out rightly reject such accusations and to start cribbing about the poor, hostile and tough conditions in which they are forced to work".
The end result is always that the poor and helpless people are forced to keep their mouth shut and to accept their fate as it is. This has happened so many times and this might happen again in the case of Konsam Rishikanta. Thus, it is very important that all of us, who are in any way, concerned with the Human Rights activities and are in the field of intellectual field and social justice, musty join hands together and resist such one-sided extreme highhandedness and outlandish/ criminal behaviour of the Armed personnel and must struggle to get the accused punished.
On 18 November 2008, the All Manipur Working Journalist Union (AMWJU) held an emergency meeting at the Manipur Press Club and condemned the killing. In the afternoon, a silent rally was taken out and a memorandum was submitted to the Chief Minster of Manipur with the following demands:
Constitute a judicial inquiry to find out and punish the culprit(s) Award compensation to the bereaved family as per center's scheme for victims of terrorist violence. Ensure a sense of security in the minds of journalist and take necessary measures for protection of the working journalists of the State. But so far the Government of Manipur has not come out with any concrete steps, I fully agree with the three demands put forth by the Manipur Journalist association. But it seems to me that even more important is the basic requirement of registering an FIR in this regards, if it has not already been registered, as per the free will of the slain journalist's family members. It is only then the wheel of law will start moving at all. (Dr Nutan Thakur)
He has two unmarried sisters. He was good in studies, hard-working and was an idealistic person. He dropped out from college in the year 2007 so that his sister could continue her studies without isturbances. He demise has caused great irreparable loss to the family.The killing of the young, energetic, struggling and dedicated journalist Konsam Rishikanta Singh in Manipur, supposedly by the bullets of the Armed Force personnel, is another sad and condemnable incidence on the face of Indian democracy. No one knows how many innocent people these defence personnel have killed in their bloodthirsty way. What is even more hurting and serious is the manner in which these forces behave in the aftermath of such incidents. Instead of taking the responsibility and iterating their commitment to take the guilty personas to task, these forces believe in the only policy they know best- " to out rightly reject such accusations and to start cribbing about the poor, hostile and tough conditions in which they are forced to work".
The end result is always that the poor and helpless people are forced to keep their mouth shut and to accept their fate as it is. This has happened so many times and this might happen again in the case of Konsam Rishikanta. Thus, it is very important that all of us, who are in any way, concerned with the Human Rights activities and are in the field of intellectual field and social justice, musty join hands together and resist such one-sided extreme highhandedness and outlandish/ criminal behaviour of the Armed personnel and must struggle to get the accused punished.
On 18 November 2008, the All Manipur Working Journalist Union (AMWJU) held an emergency meeting at the Manipur Press Club and condemned the killing. In the afternoon, a silent rally was taken out and a memorandum was submitted to the Chief Minster of Manipur with the following demands:
Constitute a judicial inquiry to find out and punish the culprit(s) Award compensation to the bereaved family as per center's scheme for victims of terrorist violence. Ensure a sense of security in the minds of journalist and take necessary measures for protection of the working journalists of the State. But so far the Government of Manipur has not come out with any concrete steps, I fully agree with the three demands put forth by the Manipur Journalist association. But it seems to me that even more important is the basic requirement of registering an FIR in this regards, if it has not already been registered, as per the free will of the slain journalist's family members. It is only then the wheel of law will start moving at all. (Dr Nutan Thakur)
Tuesday, November 25, 2008
Two arrested in Panchkula rape case
Three persons, including the arrested, were booked for the crime after a case was registered based on a complaint filed by the 35-year-old woman against them on Sunday. Police today arrested two army personnel for allegedly raping the wife of an IAF cadre at the Western Command hospital in Haryana's Panchkula district.
"The two main accused-Hottam Singh and Iftikhar Khan, working as nursing attendants at the army hospital, have been arrested and further investigations are on," Senior Superintendent of Police (Panchakula) Sandeep Khirwar said over phone.Three persons, including the arrested, were booked for the crime after a case was registered based on a complaint filed by the 35-year-old woman against them on Sunday.A defence spokesperson said the two main accused belonged to Army Medical Corps and were posted at the hospital which falls in Chandimandir, the Army's Western Command headquarters.Panchkula police have moved a formal request to the army, seeking the custody of the two accused as they are army personnel.The police had also recorded the victim's statement before the judicial magistrate in Panchkula.Police said that in her complaint the victim, who is a native of Bihar and is currently residing in Terminal Ballistics Research Laboratory (TBRL) quarters at Panchkula, alleged that she had gone to the hospital in Chandimandir on Saturday for physiotherapy.
Once she was through with the treatment, she went to see one of her relatives who was admitted in the hospital. On her way, she was dragged to a nearby room by three men who raped her.While Hottam Singh, a native of Madhya Pradesh is working as the documentation in-charge of the neuro-surgical ward, Iftikhar, a resident of Bihar, joined the nursing staff of the same ward around seven months back.
The victim, in her complaint, alleged that Singh also asked her not to disclose the incident to anyone and threatened that it had been recorded and the footage would be made public in case she did so.The woman has been living with her son after her husband was recently transferred to Jamnagar Air Force Station in Gujarat.A FIR had been registered under various sections of the IPC, police said. (pti)
"The two main accused-Hottam Singh and Iftikhar Khan, working as nursing attendants at the army hospital, have been arrested and further investigations are on," Senior Superintendent of Police (Panchakula) Sandeep Khirwar said over phone.Three persons, including the arrested, were booked for the crime after a case was registered based on a complaint filed by the 35-year-old woman against them on Sunday.A defence spokesperson said the two main accused belonged to Army Medical Corps and were posted at the hospital which falls in Chandimandir, the Army's Western Command headquarters.Panchkula police have moved a formal request to the army, seeking the custody of the two accused as they are army personnel.The police had also recorded the victim's statement before the judicial magistrate in Panchkula.Police said that in her complaint the victim, who is a native of Bihar and is currently residing in Terminal Ballistics Research Laboratory (TBRL) quarters at Panchkula, alleged that she had gone to the hospital in Chandimandir on Saturday for physiotherapy.Once she was through with the treatment, she went to see one of her relatives who was admitted in the hospital. On her way, she was dragged to a nearby room by three men who raped her.While Hottam Singh, a native of Madhya Pradesh is working as the documentation in-charge of the neuro-surgical ward, Iftikhar, a resident of Bihar, joined the nursing staff of the same ward around seven months back.
The victim, in her complaint, alleged that Singh also asked her not to disclose the incident to anyone and threatened that it had been recorded and the footage would be made public in case she did so.The woman has been living with her son after her husband was recently transferred to Jamnagar Air Force Station in Gujarat.A FIR had been registered under various sections of the IPC, police said. (pti)
Two MBA students held for kidnapping 15 year old Boy
In a kidnapping case in Delhi, six students including two MBA students were arrested on Sunday evening by the South Delhi police. The accused had kidnapped a 15-year-old student of Gyan Bharti school and were demanding a ransom of Rs 80 lakh to cover up their losses in the share market.
According to the police, the two MBA students had planned the kidnapping along with a cousin to make up huge losses suffered by them in the share market. The trio had also hired some criminals to execute their plot. The 15-year-old Class IX student was on his way to school on Thursday morning along with a friend when Rohit, Piyush, Dilip and Ramesh accosted the two in their silver Hyundai Getz car. As per the plan, the men asked the two about the way to the teenager’s house. The teenager readily agreed to accompany them home, taking them to be distant relatives. The men drove away instead to a secluded house at Sukhrali village in neighbouring Gurgaon and locked up the teenager in a room. The house had been taken on rent from one Suresh Ahlawat on the pretext of using it as a godown and Rs.15,000 had been paid as advance.
When the boy did not return home after school, his brother-in-law got a case registered at the Saket police station. Soon the family started receiving ransom calls demanding Rs.80 lakh for his release. The teenager’s father had died a year ago and he had been living with his mother and a sister in Saket. During investigation, the police found that the Haryana registration number of the car was a fake. They were then tipped off that a car with four young men and a schoolboy had been spotted in Sector 17 of Gurgaon.“Following the input, the police team carried out house-to-house enquiries and the car was found parked in a plot belonging to Suresh Ahlawat in Sukhrali. Based on Suresh’s interrogation one of the accused was identified as a friend of the teenager’s first cousin. He was questioned and he confessed to having kidnapped the boy along with his friends Piyush and Rohit. The three had hired a gang for Rs.1 lakh,” said Deputy Commissioner of Police (South) H. G. S. Dhaliwal on Monday.
The cousin had a longstanding property dispute with the teenager’s family and bore a grudge against them. He purportedly discussed his plan to kidnap the boy with Rohit and Piyush, whom he had met at a hairdressing saloon in Gurgaon and struck a friendship. Rohit and Piyush, both MBA students, readily agreed as they had suffered heavy losses in the share and property market and wanted to recoup as much as they could. Saloon owner Praveen Kashyap also joined the trio to make some quick money and introduced them to Dilip and Ramesh, who had a criminal past. (the hindu)
DRIVEN BY GREED
Piyush Jain (24) is an MBA student in IMT Ghaziabad. His friend Rohit Chopra (24), enrolled in Ignou’s MBA course, is a property dealer in Gurgaon. The duo together lost around Rs 80 lakh in market meltdown. That was the ransom demand to Arjun’s mother Kidnapping allegedly conducted by 21-year-old Bharat Jhamb, Arjun’s first cousin. He was reportedly unhappy with his share of ancestral property that got divided 3 years ago between his father and Arjun’s father. (tnn)
According to the police, the two MBA students had planned the kidnapping along with a cousin to make up huge losses suffered by them in the share market. The trio had also hired some criminals to execute their plot. The 15-year-old Class IX student was on his way to school on Thursday morning along with a friend when Rohit, Piyush, Dilip and Ramesh accosted the two in their silver Hyundai Getz car. As per the plan, the men asked the two about the way to the teenager’s house. The teenager readily agreed to accompany them home, taking them to be distant relatives. The men drove away instead to a secluded house at Sukhrali village in neighbouring Gurgaon and locked up the teenager in a room. The house had been taken on rent from one Suresh Ahlawat on the pretext of using it as a godown and Rs.15,000 had been paid as advance.
When the boy did not return home after school, his brother-in-law got a case registered at the Saket police station. Soon the family started receiving ransom calls demanding Rs.80 lakh for his release. The teenager’s father had died a year ago and he had been living with his mother and a sister in Saket. During investigation, the police found that the Haryana registration number of the car was a fake. They were then tipped off that a car with four young men and a schoolboy had been spotted in Sector 17 of Gurgaon.“Following the input, the police team carried out house-to-house enquiries and the car was found parked in a plot belonging to Suresh Ahlawat in Sukhrali. Based on Suresh’s interrogation one of the accused was identified as a friend of the teenager’s first cousin. He was questioned and he confessed to having kidnapped the boy along with his friends Piyush and Rohit. The three had hired a gang for Rs.1 lakh,” said Deputy Commissioner of Police (South) H. G. S. Dhaliwal on Monday.The cousin had a longstanding property dispute with the teenager’s family and bore a grudge against them. He purportedly discussed his plan to kidnap the boy with Rohit and Piyush, whom he had met at a hairdressing saloon in Gurgaon and struck a friendship. Rohit and Piyush, both MBA students, readily agreed as they had suffered heavy losses in the share and property market and wanted to recoup as much as they could. Saloon owner Praveen Kashyap also joined the trio to make some quick money and introduced them to Dilip and Ramesh, who had a criminal past. (the hindu)
DRIVEN BY GREED
Piyush Jain (24) is an MBA student in IMT Ghaziabad. His friend Rohit Chopra (24), enrolled in Ignou’s MBA course, is a property dealer in Gurgaon. The duo together lost around Rs 80 lakh in market meltdown. That was the ransom demand to Arjun’s mother Kidnapping allegedly conducted by 21-year-old Bharat Jhamb, Arjun’s first cousin. He was reportedly unhappy with his share of ancestral property that got divided 3 years ago between his father and Arjun’s father. (tnn)
Monday, November 24, 2008
ATS is torturing me, says Sadhvi Pragya
Malegaon bomb blast accused Sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur filed an affidavit in a Nashik court, accusing the Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) of torturing her and violating her human rights.
In her six-page affidavit before the court of Joint Senior Civil Judge H.K. Ganatra, Pragya demanded an inquiry into her "physical, mental and psychological torture" by ATS officers, her illegal detention, and narco-analysis tests conducted on her.Terming her arrest as "politically motivated", she said she was beaten up so badly that at one point, she contemplated committing suicide.She said her disciple Bhim Singh Pasricha, whom the ATS picked up along with her Oct 10, was ordered by the police to beat her up with a stick and a belt.
Complaining that the ATS sleuths too beat up both of them, she told the court that she was given only liquid diet, lodged in a hotel and admitted to two hospitals in Mumbai before her formal arrest.The judge said he would give his ruling on the allegations of torture Nov 29."The ATS police came to pick me up from Bhim Singh’s residence in Surat on October 10 for interrogation and suggested that I took my father along,” the Sadhvi said in the sworn affidavit. She said she declined to bother her father in view of his old age and suggested that Bhim Singh would accompany her instead.“For the first two days after my detention, the police kept shouting at me. They asked me about the motorcycle (in which the bomb that exploded in Malegaon was placed). I told them I don’t know anything as I had sold the vehicle," she said.The 38-year-old woman, who is receiving maximum media attention and support from a cross-section of Hindutva orgainsations, said that when the ATS sleuths did not get any information from her in two days, they ordered Bhim Singh to beat her with a stick and a belt on her fore-arms and feet. He refused to do this, saying she was his guru.
Noting that her disciple had to finally comply with the police's orders when they beat him up, Pragya said: “Bhim Singh beat me up softly, and infuriated at this, two ATS officers - one, named Khanvilkar, and another with a moustache - beat me up hurling filthy abuses." She said she and Bhim Singh were taken to Hotel Rajdoot in Nagpada Oct 15 and lodged in two rooms. “I was then admitted to the Sushrut Hospital in Dadar (in Mumbai) and then to another hospital on a hill," she said in the affidavit.She said the cops forced her to call a woman disciple from her mobile and tell her that she was alright. She added that on account of "the custodial violence/torture, mental stress, anxiety that were developed in the process, I was subjected to, I developed acute abdominal and kidney pains. I lost my appetite, became nauseous and giddy and prone to having bouts of unconsciousness".
Mahesh Jethmalani, senior counsel representing Pragya, said she had made the allegations against the ATS "on oath" and now the court's directions on it were awaited."She was not allowed proper access to her lawyers, that's why she has filed it now," Jethmalani told IANS in the evening, when asked about the delay in filing the affidavit.Pragya said she was "totally innocent of any offence whatsoever" and accused the ATS of violating her human rights.She contended that while initially she was "painted as a sinister mastermind of the Malegaon blast, that role has now been reassigned by the ATS to Lt. Col. Shrikant Prasad Purohit".
The court, meanwhile, extended the judicial custody of the sadhvi and seven other accused till Nov 29.Special public prosecutor Ajay Missar, representing the ATS of the Maharashjtra police, argued for extension of remand for the accused on grounds that the investigations into the Sep 29 Malegaon blast, which left six dead and 20 injured, were still continuing.[IANS]
In her six-page affidavit before the court of Joint Senior Civil Judge H.K. Ganatra, Pragya demanded an inquiry into her "physical, mental and psychological torture" by ATS officers, her illegal detention, and narco-analysis tests conducted on her.Terming her arrest as "politically motivated", she said she was beaten up so badly that at one point, she contemplated committing suicide.She said her disciple Bhim Singh Pasricha, whom the ATS picked up along with her Oct 10, was ordered by the police to beat her up with a stick and a belt.Complaining that the ATS sleuths too beat up both of them, she told the court that she was given only liquid diet, lodged in a hotel and admitted to two hospitals in Mumbai before her formal arrest.The judge said he would give his ruling on the allegations of torture Nov 29."The ATS police came to pick me up from Bhim Singh’s residence in Surat on October 10 for interrogation and suggested that I took my father along,” the Sadhvi said in the sworn affidavit. She said she declined to bother her father in view of his old age and suggested that Bhim Singh would accompany her instead.“For the first two days after my detention, the police kept shouting at me. They asked me about the motorcycle (in which the bomb that exploded in Malegaon was placed). I told them I don’t know anything as I had sold the vehicle," she said.The 38-year-old woman, who is receiving maximum media attention and support from a cross-section of Hindutva orgainsations, said that when the ATS sleuths did not get any information from her in two days, they ordered Bhim Singh to beat her with a stick and a belt on her fore-arms and feet. He refused to do this, saying she was his guru.
Noting that her disciple had to finally comply with the police's orders when they beat him up, Pragya said: “Bhim Singh beat me up softly, and infuriated at this, two ATS officers - one, named Khanvilkar, and another with a moustache - beat me up hurling filthy abuses." She said she and Bhim Singh were taken to Hotel Rajdoot in Nagpada Oct 15 and lodged in two rooms. “I was then admitted to the Sushrut Hospital in Dadar (in Mumbai) and then to another hospital on a hill," she said in the affidavit.She said the cops forced her to call a woman disciple from her mobile and tell her that she was alright. She added that on account of "the custodial violence/torture, mental stress, anxiety that were developed in the process, I was subjected to, I developed acute abdominal and kidney pains. I lost my appetite, became nauseous and giddy and prone to having bouts of unconsciousness".
Mahesh Jethmalani, senior counsel representing Pragya, said she had made the allegations against the ATS "on oath" and now the court's directions on it were awaited."She was not allowed proper access to her lawyers, that's why she has filed it now," Jethmalani told IANS in the evening, when asked about the delay in filing the affidavit.Pragya said she was "totally innocent of any offence whatsoever" and accused the ATS of violating her human rights.She contended that while initially she was "painted as a sinister mastermind of the Malegaon blast, that role has now been reassigned by the ATS to Lt. Col. Shrikant Prasad Purohit".
The court, meanwhile, extended the judicial custody of the sadhvi and seven other accused till Nov 29.Special public prosecutor Ajay Missar, representing the ATS of the Maharashjtra police, argued for extension of remand for the accused on grounds that the investigations into the Sep 29 Malegaon blast, which left six dead and 20 injured, were still continuing.[IANS]
Lady raped at Army Hospital
An airman's wife was raped at the Command Hospital Chandimandir Cantonment of Army's Western Command near Chandigarh on Friday 22nd of november' 2008. A case was registered on next day.
Panchkula Superintendent of Police Sandeep Khirwar confirmed that a criminal case has been registered."Criminal case under Sections 376, 506, 294, 354 of IPC has been registered against the accused. She has been medically examined. But no one has been named so far. Army has given positive response and helped with investigation," Sandeep Khirwar said."Preliminary tests have been done and the tests by forensic labs are still to come in," he added.
The 38-year-old victim, who had gone for physiotherapy, was allegedly dragged to an empty room near the Neurological Ward and raped by the duo.The lady reportedly told police that a third person was filming the entire incident. After raping the woman, all the three threatened her and asked her not to disclose the incident else they would circulate the video clip. Police sources, however, say that they have not arrested the accused as all are from the armed forced and police will have to liaison with the defence authorities. Army officials have extended support to the police saying they will cooperate in the investigations.Meanwhile, Defence Ministry has contested the rape charge. A ministry official said that the medical examination of the alleged victim under supervision of Haryana Police did not confirm rape.(dna)
Panchkula Superintendent of Police Sandeep Khirwar confirmed that a criminal case has been registered."Criminal case under Sections 376, 506, 294, 354 of IPC has been registered against the accused. She has been medically examined. But no one has been named so far. Army has given positive response and helped with investigation," Sandeep Khirwar said."Preliminary tests have been done and the tests by forensic labs are still to come in," he added.The 38-year-old victim, who had gone for physiotherapy, was allegedly dragged to an empty room near the Neurological Ward and raped by the duo.The lady reportedly told police that a third person was filming the entire incident. After raping the woman, all the three threatened her and asked her not to disclose the incident else they would circulate the video clip. Police sources, however, say that they have not arrested the accused as all are from the armed forced and police will have to liaison with the defence authorities. Army officials have extended support to the police saying they will cooperate in the investigations.Meanwhile, Defence Ministry has contested the rape charge. A ministry official said that the medical examination of the alleged victim under supervision of Haryana Police did not confirm rape.(dna)
Saturday, November 22, 2008
'Lady don' of Hyderabad arrested
A woman history sheeter, who has evaded the law for the last four years, was arrested and sent in judicial custody, police said. The Malkajgiri police here executed a non-bailable warrant pending against her since 2004. A case was registered against Farah Fatima, also known as the `lady don' of Hyderabad, under IPC Section 309 (attempt to suicide) as she had attempted to commit suicide inside the police station after being picked up as part of investigation in a criminal case, police added. Farah has been sent to Chanchalguda jail here, Malkajgiri ACP R Ravinder Reddy said.
Who is LADY DON?
If you spot a woman zooming by on a motorbike, think twice before confronting her. For you never know, you may be talking to Farah Fatima-the lady Don of Hyderabad, who was recently arrested for threatening a businessman to pay extortion money.
Leader of a gang of 22, she is known to be the queen of extortion and murder. A motorbike entry and a shower of expletives often herald her arrival. Says deputy police commissioner, Harish K Gupta, “She is a very aggressive woman and there are always a dozen guthka packets hidden in her dupatta or burkha. Hyderabad has not seen lady criminals of this type whose language and mannerisms even put us to shame.”
The businessman, whom Fatima threatened, went to the police and registered a complaint against her. Says Gupta, “She would go at night on her motorbike to the businessman’s house and ask him to pay money. In many such cases, the businessmen pay up and do not even complain.” Fatima is presently cooling her heels in judicial custody and the police are happy that they have some reprieve from her. Short in stature, Fatima has been booked as a rowdy sheeter since 1992. Her first husband, Mir Khaisar Ali, introduced her to the world of crime.
Interestingly, Fatima not only has a SSC certificate but also a nursing degree. “It is just greed for easy money that made her step into this business,” claim the police. Ali taught Fatima her tricks of extortion, land grabbing and “settling” of disputes. As the gang members grew in number so did the influence of Fatima. The police allege that Fatima killed Ali over a land dispute.In the early 1990s Fatima used to operate only in Cyberabad and near Maula Ali. But after the death of Ali, she shifted base to Old City. She also married one Sujjad Ali who helped her in the functioning of the gang. In the old city, Fatima was flooded with requests from a large number of landowners to help them evict tenants. This set up a flourishing business for her. But those who could not take it any more, sent anonymous petitions to the police commissioner’s office. These made the cops book a case against her in 1992. Later they also booked her under the Dangerous Activities Act. Now they are keeping a close tab on her activities before the Ganesha festival, so that the gang’s extortion activities can be contained during the time. (TOI)
Who is LADY DON?
If you spot a woman zooming by on a motorbike, think twice before confronting her. For you never know, you may be talking to Farah Fatima-the lady Don of Hyderabad, who was recently arrested for threatening a businessman to pay extortion money.
Leader of a gang of 22, she is known to be the queen of extortion and murder. A motorbike entry and a shower of expletives often herald her arrival. Says deputy police commissioner, Harish K Gupta, “She is a very aggressive woman and there are always a dozen guthka packets hidden in her dupatta or burkha. Hyderabad has not seen lady criminals of this type whose language and mannerisms even put us to shame.” The businessman, whom Fatima threatened, went to the police and registered a complaint against her. Says Gupta, “She would go at night on her motorbike to the businessman’s house and ask him to pay money. In many such cases, the businessmen pay up and do not even complain.” Fatima is presently cooling her heels in judicial custody and the police are happy that they have some reprieve from her. Short in stature, Fatima has been booked as a rowdy sheeter since 1992. Her first husband, Mir Khaisar Ali, introduced her to the world of crime.
Interestingly, Fatima not only has a SSC certificate but also a nursing degree. “It is just greed for easy money that made her step into this business,” claim the police. Ali taught Fatima her tricks of extortion, land grabbing and “settling” of disputes. As the gang members grew in number so did the influence of Fatima. The police allege that Fatima killed Ali over a land dispute.In the early 1990s Fatima used to operate only in Cyberabad and near Maula Ali. But after the death of Ali, she shifted base to Old City. She also married one Sujjad Ali who helped her in the functioning of the gang. In the old city, Fatima was flooded with requests from a large number of landowners to help them evict tenants. This set up a flourishing business for her. But those who could not take it any more, sent anonymous petitions to the police commissioner’s office. These made the cops book a case against her in 1992. Later they also booked her under the Dangerous Activities Act. Now they are keeping a close tab on her activities before the Ganesha festival, so that the gang’s extortion activities can be contained during the time. (TOI)
Rahul was not shot from close range
Putting an end to all speculation surrounding the death of Patna migrant Rahul Raj Singh (25), the ballistics report on the case has given a clean chit to the Mumbai police. Rahul was shot dead after he held a BEST bus hostage on October 27. CM Vilasrao Deshmukh had asked for a probe to find out whether Rahul was shot at point blank range.
The State Forensic Science Laboratory (SFSL), Kalina, handed over the report to the police yesterday. Joint Commissioner of Police (Crime) Rakesh Maria confirmed receiving it and said, "Rahul's clothes that were sent for examination have not shown any black powder residue around the entry points of the bullet injuries and the shooting did not take place within the powder range." Powder range, a ballistic term, means a three metre distance from the target. The police have also sent Rahul's skin samples for testing to the SFSL. A forensic expert explained that Rahul's skin would be tested only for the presence of gunpowder. Forensic experts have given a clean chit to the police team which shot dead Rahul Raj, a Patna resident who hijacked a BEST bus at Kurla on October 26' 2008. There was a political uproar following the shooting and some Bihar politicians had alleged that the youth was shot dead in cold blood. The state government then launched a formal inquiry into the shooting.
The chemical analysis report said that there was absence of blackening and powder residue around the periphery of bullet holes on Raj's skin. It further says that the injuries are far "beyond the powder range of the weapon''. This means that the bullets were fired from a distance of at least four to five metres. The three firearms -- a 303 rifle and two 9 mm pistols -- from which the bullets were shot at Rahul, were sent for ballistic examination. The ballistic expert report which is also attached with this report says that the police weapons were in perfect working condition, ruling out the theory that the firing was from close range.
Four bullets, all fired from pistols, hit Rahul on his chest and face.
The FSL expert also examined the BEST bus frame which was pierced by some bullets in the exchange of fire. "After examining everything in minute detail, it is now concluded that the police team fired from a safe distance of around five metres and above,'' said an FSL official on condition of anonymity. The officials of Grant Medical College also told chief secretary Johny Joseph during the inquiry that prima facie, Raj was not shot from pointblank or close range.
Rahul Raj, who had held the BEST bus passenger hostage on October 26, on Andheri Kurla road was gunned down by the police. Rahul Raj had claimed that he had come to kill MNS chief Raj Thackeray over latter's drive against Biharis. Rahul had tried to strangulate the bus conductor and had even fired two rounds in which a passenger Manoj Bhagat received a bullet injury. A day after the post-mortem, Dr B G Chikhalkar, part of the post-mortem team, had said there was a dark mark around the bullet injury on the face, indicative of the fact that the bullet was fired from close range. But Dr Chikhalkar, who had repeated this statement on TV, soon retracted what he had said.
The State Forensic Science Laboratory (SFSL), Kalina, handed over the report to the police yesterday. Joint Commissioner of Police (Crime) Rakesh Maria confirmed receiving it and said, "Rahul's clothes that were sent for examination have not shown any black powder residue around the entry points of the bullet injuries and the shooting did not take place within the powder range." Powder range, a ballistic term, means a three metre distance from the target. The police have also sent Rahul's skin samples for testing to the SFSL. A forensic expert explained that Rahul's skin would be tested only for the presence of gunpowder. Forensic experts have given a clean chit to the police team which shot dead Rahul Raj, a Patna resident who hijacked a BEST bus at Kurla on October 26' 2008. There was a political uproar following the shooting and some Bihar politicians had alleged that the youth was shot dead in cold blood. The state government then launched a formal inquiry into the shooting. The chemical analysis report said that there was absence of blackening and powder residue around the periphery of bullet holes on Raj's skin. It further says that the injuries are far "beyond the powder range of the weapon''. This means that the bullets were fired from a distance of at least four to five metres. The three firearms -- a 303 rifle and two 9 mm pistols -- from which the bullets were shot at Rahul, were sent for ballistic examination. The ballistic expert report which is also attached with this report says that the police weapons were in perfect working condition, ruling out the theory that the firing was from close range.
Four bullets, all fired from pistols, hit Rahul on his chest and face.
The FSL expert also examined the BEST bus frame which was pierced by some bullets in the exchange of fire. "After examining everything in minute detail, it is now concluded that the police team fired from a safe distance of around five metres and above,'' said an FSL official on condition of anonymity. The officials of Grant Medical College also told chief secretary Johny Joseph during the inquiry that prima facie, Raj was not shot from pointblank or close range.
Rahul Raj, who had held the BEST bus passenger hostage on October 26, on Andheri Kurla road was gunned down by the police. Rahul Raj had claimed that he had come to kill MNS chief Raj Thackeray over latter's drive against Biharis. Rahul had tried to strangulate the bus conductor and had even fired two rounds in which a passenger Manoj Bhagat received a bullet injury. A day after the post-mortem, Dr B G Chikhalkar, part of the post-mortem team, had said there was a dark mark around the bullet injury on the face, indicative of the fact that the bullet was fired from close range. But Dr Chikhalkar, who had repeated this statement on TV, soon retracted what he had said.
Friday, November 21, 2008
Leaky journalism
It is abundantly clear that the Police use the media to cover up unprofessional and weak probes. Should the media oblige whether it involves Jihadi terrorists or Saffron terrorists? Asks S R RAMANUJAN Nov
18, 2008.
Thanks to the over-zealous investigative agencies of different states, not just the Mumbai ATS, and the collusion of the TRP-dependent television media with such agencies for "leaks", the image of the media, especially the news channels, is deteriorating at the same speed with which they "break" the news, reliable or not so reliable.
Just prior to Malegaon blasts in September this year, we were fed with liberal doses of "jihadi terror" stories and the anti-terror squads in different states came out with quite a few "master-minds" and "kingpins". Each blast, whether in Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Jaipur, Delhi, or Hyderabad had a master-mind of its 0wn. The Police and the politicians stopped pointing fingers across the borders and started looking inwards. The focus shifted from LeT, HuJI etc to SIMI, Indian Mujahudeen and Islamic Security Force. Our police always take to the extremes, either they stand as silent spectators as we saw in Chennai Law College or overact with no rhyme or reason as they had been rounding up Muslim youth till Muslim anger erupted after the
Batla House encounter.
Of course, there is a temporary lull now. The only difference is that the "master-minds" have taken a different hue. However, this trend prompted certain civil society groups to express concern over media's "demonization" of communities. In a discussion organised by "Peace Hyderabad", participants felt that description as "kingpins" and "masterminds" of those allegedly behind terrorist violence only "helped in internalising them in public perception"... "Such descriptions
begin immediately after Police pick up Muslim youth at random and much before the beginning of a proper court trial." The electronic media, in particular, came in for sharp criticism for its "ignorance-tinged" reporting on terror targeting a community. A view that emerged at the meet was that the media was getting influenced
unquestioningly by the findings of intelligence and enforcement agencies.
Investigations into the Malegaon blast case by the Mumbai ATS may or may not be in the right direction and the tools they used may not be legally valid or even scientific according to some forensic experts. But how does the electronic media behave while reporting these investigations?
It is no better than the Arushi Talwar murder case. In the Arushi case, both the UP Police and the CBI bungled very badly and resorted to deliberate leaks to suit its warped findings. Finally, the media which dished out salacious information on the basis of leaks had egg all over its face. The coverage also prompted the Supreme Court to observe that the media was acting as "super investigative agency". Certainly, the cops were using the media to cover up the loopholes in their
investigation.
The probe into Malegaon blasts was no different. The media was taken for a ride and what was worse, the media obliged the cops most willingly in their race for numbers by passing on to us the "leaks" handed out to them by the Mumbai ATS.
It started with `Sadhvi' Pragya Singh Thakur who was first labeled as the "mastermind" behind the Malegaon blasts. Then, this role was shifted to Lt Col Srikanth Prasad Purohit. Now, we are told it was "Dayanand Pandey" who masterminded all the blasts in the country targeting a particular community. The run-up to this stage of investigation was a great comedy.
After the Sadhvi, the focus shifted for a while to one Asimanand and his ashram in Dangs in Gujrat. Television showed us the visuals of the Ashram which was supposedly raided by Mumbai ATS. It was reported that the Swami of this ashram provided his vehicle and driver to `Sadhvi' to tour the districts. Subsequently, we did not hear
anything about this Swami nor did the media pursue it further.
The real media drama or rather trial started when the Public Prosecutor filed a petition in the Nashik Court for permission to interrogate a spiritual leader of Uttar Pradesh. Unfortunately for the media, the Prosecution lawyer did not reveal the identity of the spiritual leader. This let loose a very wild guess work and the reporters put on their "super investigative" hat and began the operations. The first
media "suspect" was the BJP MP from Gorakhpur Yogi Adityananda and the anchors started screaming that the" terror investigation leads to the doors of the BJP". To give credence to this, another BJP MLA from Tulsipur in UP, Mahant Kaushalendra was also included in the list of "suspects" quoting "sources".
The media reports provoked the firebrand Yogi Adityananda to dare the Union Home Minister and the Maharashtra Home Minister to arrest him. Reacting to this, a television channel wondered what sort of a law maker is he to say hell to the law enforcing agencies. On the same day, the Yogi was also on a panel discussion. The anchor donned the role of an investigator and started interrogating him on the screen. It appeared as if even the professional investigators had to learn a lesson or two from this anchor.
When the Yogi issue became too hot, the ATS clarified that no politician was involved and that only one spiritual leader was on their radar. Puzzled at this development, the channels dropped Yogi and began the search for another spiritual leader. This time, they zeroed in on a swami who is frequently found on the faith channels giving discourses.
He read out a prepared statement to the media stating he might have met `Sadhvi' Pragya once or twice since he had initiated her into "Sanyas" like thousands of others in the Kumbh Mela and that "she can be hanged if she was found guilty".
With this, the media was getting exasperated and then the "leak" came that the ATS was looking for one "Dayanand Pandey", a Jammu-based self-styled spiritual leader. First, a story was put out that the UP Police was not cooperating with the Mumbai ATS in apprehending "Pandey". And this was denied by the UP Police. A terrorist, as a perceived logic, should operate under different names.
Isn't it? So, the media started saying "Dayaanand Pandey, alias Sudhkar Dwivedy alias Swami Amritanand Dev and that he had many faces. However, The Hindu reported "his name had earlier been disclosed as Dayaanand Pandey, but following calls from DGP's office late on Wednesday night, it was given as Sudhakar Dwivedy, son of Dayanand Dwivedy. He had taken the name Amritanand and became Peethadeeshwar of the Sharada Sarvagya Peeth in Jammu" But, there was no correction
forthcoming in the channels which earlier made his father's name as his alias name. Normally, when someone in the Hindu tradition takes to "sanyas", he changes his name. So much for accuracy of facts even while naming a person! The latest "leak" that was fed to the nation by ATS, courtesy media, was that ATS was looking at the possibility of Lt Col Purohit's links to Samjhauta Express and the blasts at Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad. Obviously, the ATS does not seem to be doing its home
work.
Let us take the blasts in Hyderabad. The local dailies reported on September 6, 2008 that one sheikh Abdul Kaleem revealed during narco analysis test conducted at the Forensic Lab in Bangalore in the presence of Spl Intelligence Team of Hyderabad Police that he was responsible for providing 100 sim cards used by terrorists in the Mecca Masjid, Lumbini Park and Gokul Chat blasts. The Police also accused him of having contacts with Bangladesh terrorists. Kareem also revealed that there must be more explosive hidden in the city for further blasts as RDX and ammonium nitrate in a massive amount have been smuggled from abroad to the city for the three blasts in Hyderabad. Imran, another accused revealed during narco test and brain mapping test that massive explosives have been concealed in his house and it includes ammonium
nitrate that was used in Mecca Masjid, Lumbini Park and Gokul chat blasts.
The narco tests, both on Lt Col Purohit and Kaleem/Imran, were conducted in the same forensic lab on two different occasions and in two different cases. Now, which is correct? Either the Mumbai ATS or Hyderabad Police is misleading the nation.
Throughout Sunday, the channels have been putting out stories that Lt Col Purohit sourced RDX from the army for Samjhauta Express blasts in February 2007. Well, what we were told in 2007 was a different story.
The Delhi Police which probed the Samjhauta blasts did not say RDX was used. On the contrary, they were of the view that "incendiary devices" were used and not bombs. Now, on Monday, Times of India tells us "ATS denies RDX in Samjhauta blast". Well, did the ATS say in the first place that RDX was used? Who `invented' the use
of RDX ?
Read on the Times report(Nov 17): "Public Prosecutor Ajay Misar had on Saturday told a Nashik court that pilfered RDX was used in the Samjhauta blast. But on Sunday, he blamed the media for "wrong interpretation". I told the court that the Police have to find out whether the 60 kg RDX was used in some blasts across the country,
including the Malegaon blast."
The ATS chief Hemant Karkare also disowned the report. He said "I don't know what Misar has told the court. We have not mentioned the use of RDX (in the Samjhauta case) in the remand papers. Even the Army has rubbished the claim of ATS stating that the army does not use RDX for making bombs and that Lt Col Purohit was not an expert in bomb making. Where does this leave the media now after they bombarded the
viewers with the news linking Purohit to Samjhauta case for two days?
It is abundantly clear that the Police use the media to cover up unprofessional and weak probes. Should the media oblige whether it involves Jihadi terrorists or Saffron terrorists? Is it not time that the media evolves a code of conduct for reporting criminal investigations so that it does not slip up so badly as in the recent past?
It may be quite relevant to point out here what the Chief Justice of India said recently. He had criticised the Police tendency to reveal information to the media during the investigation as it encroaches upon the right to privacy. He also observed while participating in a workshop in Mumbai that freedom of the press means people's right to know CORRECT (emphasis mine) news. Further, in a different context, the Supreme Court also held that a person's reputation is an inseparable
part of his fundamental right to life and liberty. This applies equally to everyone, whether he is a small time SIMI activist or a sadhu or an army officer.
If the media, especially the electronic ones, has to retrieve its tattered image before it is too late, it has to come out with well-defined guidelines, based on a broad consensus, for coverage of criminal investigations. No government is going to tell the investigators not to indulge in premature disclosure of facts pending
the submission of charge sheets before the judicial bodies because any government's tool is "leaks" that suit them politically.(mediavigi)
18, 2008.
Thanks to the over-zealous investigative agencies of different states, not just the Mumbai ATS, and the collusion of the TRP-dependent television media with such agencies for "leaks", the image of the media, especially the news channels, is deteriorating at the same speed with which they "break" the news, reliable or not so reliable.
Just prior to Malegaon blasts in September this year, we were fed with liberal doses of "jihadi terror" stories and the anti-terror squads in different states came out with quite a few "master-minds" and "kingpins". Each blast, whether in Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Jaipur, Delhi, or Hyderabad had a master-mind of its 0wn. The Police and the politicians stopped pointing fingers across the borders and started looking inwards. The focus shifted from LeT, HuJI etc to SIMI, Indian Mujahudeen and Islamic Security Force. Our police always take to the extremes, either they stand as silent spectators as we saw in Chennai Law College or overact with no rhyme or reason as they had been rounding up Muslim youth till Muslim anger erupted after theBatla House encounter.
Of course, there is a temporary lull now. The only difference is that the "master-minds" have taken a different hue. However, this trend prompted certain civil society groups to express concern over media's "demonization" of communities. In a discussion organised by "Peace Hyderabad", participants felt that description as "kingpins" and "masterminds" of those allegedly behind terrorist violence only "helped in internalising them in public perception"... "Such descriptions
begin immediately after Police pick up Muslim youth at random and much before the beginning of a proper court trial." The electronic media, in particular, came in for sharp criticism for its "ignorance-tinged" reporting on terror targeting a community. A view that emerged at the meet was that the media was getting influenced
unquestioningly by the findings of intelligence and enforcement agencies.
Investigations into the Malegaon blast case by the Mumbai ATS may or may not be in the right direction and the tools they used may not be legally valid or even scientific according to some forensic experts. But how does the electronic media behave while reporting these investigations?
It is no better than the Arushi Talwar murder case. In the Arushi case, both the UP Police and the CBI bungled very badly and resorted to deliberate leaks to suit its warped findings. Finally, the media which dished out salacious information on the basis of leaks had egg all over its face. The coverage also prompted the Supreme Court to observe that the media was acting as "super investigative agency". Certainly, the cops were using the media to cover up the loopholes in their
investigation.
The probe into Malegaon blasts was no different. The media was taken for a ride and what was worse, the media obliged the cops most willingly in their race for numbers by passing on to us the "leaks" handed out to them by the Mumbai ATS.
It started with `Sadhvi' Pragya Singh Thakur who was first labeled as the "mastermind" behind the Malegaon blasts. Then, this role was shifted to Lt Col Srikanth Prasad Purohit. Now, we are told it was "Dayanand Pandey" who masterminded all the blasts in the country targeting a particular community. The run-up to this stage of investigation was a great comedy.
After the Sadhvi, the focus shifted for a while to one Asimanand and his ashram in Dangs in Gujrat. Television showed us the visuals of the Ashram which was supposedly raided by Mumbai ATS. It was reported that the Swami of this ashram provided his vehicle and driver to `Sadhvi' to tour the districts. Subsequently, we did not hear
anything about this Swami nor did the media pursue it further.
The real media drama or rather trial started when the Public Prosecutor filed a petition in the Nashik Court for permission to interrogate a spiritual leader of Uttar Pradesh. Unfortunately for the media, the Prosecution lawyer did not reveal the identity of the spiritual leader. This let loose a very wild guess work and the reporters put on their "super investigative" hat and began the operations. The first
media "suspect" was the BJP MP from Gorakhpur Yogi Adityananda and the anchors started screaming that the" terror investigation leads to the doors of the BJP". To give credence to this, another BJP MLA from Tulsipur in UP, Mahant Kaushalendra was also included in the list of "suspects" quoting "sources".
The media reports provoked the firebrand Yogi Adityananda to dare the Union Home Minister and the Maharashtra Home Minister to arrest him. Reacting to this, a television channel wondered what sort of a law maker is he to say hell to the law enforcing agencies. On the same day, the Yogi was also on a panel discussion. The anchor donned the role of an investigator and started interrogating him on the screen. It appeared as if even the professional investigators had to learn a lesson or two from this anchor.
When the Yogi issue became too hot, the ATS clarified that no politician was involved and that only one spiritual leader was on their radar. Puzzled at this development, the channels dropped Yogi and began the search for another spiritual leader. This time, they zeroed in on a swami who is frequently found on the faith channels giving discourses.
He read out a prepared statement to the media stating he might have met `Sadhvi' Pragya once or twice since he had initiated her into "Sanyas" like thousands of others in the Kumbh Mela and that "she can be hanged if she was found guilty".
With this, the media was getting exasperated and then the "leak" came that the ATS was looking for one "Dayanand Pandey", a Jammu-based self-styled spiritual leader. First, a story was put out that the UP Police was not cooperating with the Mumbai ATS in apprehending "Pandey". And this was denied by the UP Police. A terrorist, as a perceived logic, should operate under different names.
Isn't it? So, the media started saying "Dayaanand Pandey, alias Sudhkar Dwivedy alias Swami Amritanand Dev and that he had many faces. However, The Hindu reported "his name had earlier been disclosed as Dayaanand Pandey, but following calls from DGP's office late on Wednesday night, it was given as Sudhakar Dwivedy, son of Dayanand Dwivedy. He had taken the name Amritanand and became Peethadeeshwar of the Sharada Sarvagya Peeth in Jammu" But, there was no correction
forthcoming in the channels which earlier made his father's name as his alias name. Normally, when someone in the Hindu tradition takes to "sanyas", he changes his name. So much for accuracy of facts even while naming a person! The latest "leak" that was fed to the nation by ATS, courtesy media, was that ATS was looking at the possibility of Lt Col Purohit's links to Samjhauta Express and the blasts at Mecca Masjid in Hyderabad. Obviously, the ATS does not seem to be doing its home
work.
Let us take the blasts in Hyderabad. The local dailies reported on September 6, 2008 that one sheikh Abdul Kaleem revealed during narco analysis test conducted at the Forensic Lab in Bangalore in the presence of Spl Intelligence Team of Hyderabad Police that he was responsible for providing 100 sim cards used by terrorists in the Mecca Masjid, Lumbini Park and Gokul Chat blasts. The Police also accused him of having contacts with Bangladesh terrorists. Kareem also revealed that there must be more explosive hidden in the city for further blasts as RDX and ammonium nitrate in a massive amount have been smuggled from abroad to the city for the three blasts in Hyderabad. Imran, another accused revealed during narco test and brain mapping test that massive explosives have been concealed in his house and it includes ammonium
nitrate that was used in Mecca Masjid, Lumbini Park and Gokul chat blasts.
The narco tests, both on Lt Col Purohit and Kaleem/Imran, were conducted in the same forensic lab on two different occasions and in two different cases. Now, which is correct? Either the Mumbai ATS or Hyderabad Police is misleading the nation.
Throughout Sunday, the channels have been putting out stories that Lt Col Purohit sourced RDX from the army for Samjhauta Express blasts in February 2007. Well, what we were told in 2007 was a different story.
The Delhi Police which probed the Samjhauta blasts did not say RDX was used. On the contrary, they were of the view that "incendiary devices" were used and not bombs. Now, on Monday, Times of India tells us "ATS denies RDX in Samjhauta blast". Well, did the ATS say in the first place that RDX was used? Who `invented' the use
of RDX ?
Read on the Times report(Nov 17): "Public Prosecutor Ajay Misar had on Saturday told a Nashik court that pilfered RDX was used in the Samjhauta blast. But on Sunday, he blamed the media for "wrong interpretation". I told the court that the Police have to find out whether the 60 kg RDX was used in some blasts across the country,
including the Malegaon blast."
The ATS chief Hemant Karkare also disowned the report. He said "I don't know what Misar has told the court. We have not mentioned the use of RDX (in the Samjhauta case) in the remand papers. Even the Army has rubbished the claim of ATS stating that the army does not use RDX for making bombs and that Lt Col Purohit was not an expert in bomb making. Where does this leave the media now after they bombarded the
viewers with the news linking Purohit to Samjhauta case for two days?
It is abundantly clear that the Police use the media to cover up unprofessional and weak probes. Should the media oblige whether it involves Jihadi terrorists or Saffron terrorists? Is it not time that the media evolves a code of conduct for reporting criminal investigations so that it does not slip up so badly as in the recent past?
It may be quite relevant to point out here what the Chief Justice of India said recently. He had criticised the Police tendency to reveal information to the media during the investigation as it encroaches upon the right to privacy. He also observed while participating in a workshop in Mumbai that freedom of the press means people's right to know CORRECT (emphasis mine) news. Further, in a different context, the Supreme Court also held that a person's reputation is an inseparable
part of his fundamental right to life and liberty. This applies equally to everyone, whether he is a small time SIMI activist or a sadhu or an army officer.
If the media, especially the electronic ones, has to retrieve its tattered image before it is too late, it has to come out with well-defined guidelines, based on a broad consensus, for coverage of criminal investigations. No government is going to tell the investigators not to indulge in premature disclosure of facts pending
the submission of charge sheets before the judicial bodies because any government's tool is "leaks" that suit them politically.(mediavigi)
Securing live-in relationships
The Maharashtra government recently approved a proposal where a woman in a live-in relationship for a "reasonable period" of time would get the status of a "wife". RAMESH MENON has more.
16 November 2008
Archana Baxi loves Delhi. Living in the big city gives her the anonymity she did not enjoy in her village in Punjab where she grew up. In Delhi, no one asks her prying questions like why she isn't married yet or what she does with her huge salary or why she lives in with her boyfriend - who shuttles between Delhi and Mumbai.
Archana only dreads her mother's periodic visits to the city because, like all mothers, Baxi senior voices her concerns on her daughter's living arrangement. She worries about what would become of Archana if her boyfriend decided to break off with her one day.
However, in what can be termed as a progressive move that will have a far-reaching impact, the Maharashtra government recently proposed an amendment in the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) that would give a woman in a live-in relationship the right to seek maintenance post-desertion. Of course, it would need the Centre's stamp of approval before it can become a law. So, while it may be some more time before legal support for women in long-term live-in relationships across India comes into force, Archana's mother can at least lay some of her fears to rest.
The Maharashtra government recently approved a proposal where a woman in a live-in relationship for a "reasonable period" of time would get the status of a "wife". The approval came on the heels of the recommendations of the Justice Malimath Committee, which said that if a man and a woman are living together as husband and wife for a "reasonably long period", the man shall be deemed to have married the woman according to customary rights of either party.
The Malimath Committee was formed by the Centre to suggest reforms in the CrPC. However, only Maharashtra has shown interest in protecting the rights of women in polygamous relationships by working towards implementing some recommendations. The Centre has comfortably chosen to ignore them as they are bound to raise the hackles of the moral police.
When the proposed amendment was announced, critics immediately sprung up to say that the move would encourage men and women to get into multiple relationships outside of marriage. However, one of the major reasons for this move was that numerous women were finding it very difficult to get any assistance from men who had deserted them after living with them on the promise of marriage in the future. In many cases, the women did not even know that the man they had been living with was, in fact, already married.
As per the Malimath Committee recommendations, the state government, therefore, wants the CrPC to be amended so that the word 'wife' under Section 125 includes a woman living with a man like his wife for a "reasonably long period". This will ensure that these women are entitled to alimony.
Points out Mumbai-based writer Rajendar Menen, who has widely written on relationships, "I am sure people are living-in all over India surreptitiously. It is like corruption and visiting sex workers. But it is great that the government is finally accepting live-in relationships. It is a step in the right direction."
When the amendment comes through, it will, for the first time, protect the interests of women who have been taken for a ride by uncaring men. But the state has yet to clarify how long the "reasonably long period" should be. And this ambiguity many feel may give rise to bigamy. Menen says, "As time passes, marriage, as an institution, will get less important. It has already lost ground. A lot of people in urban settings are living together. They don't trumpet the fact, that's all. As women get more empowered and don't rely completely on men for financial support, they will begin to choose their partners for reasons other than monetary support. Thankfully, the balance is shifting now and men no longer call the shots."
Menen however is guarded on the pace and universality of the change. "But women's empowerment is a long and slow process, and all this will take time in India which lives in so many diverse time, cultural and economic zones" he says.
Live-in relationships are definitely more glamorous and easy but marriage has its advantages as well. Nick Powdthavee of the Department of Economics at the University of Warwick in England carried out a study of 9,704 married people at the university in 2005. The study revealed that married people were deriving happiness from each other's happiness unlike those who were just living together. The research also indicated that marriage encouraged the habit of sharing among spouses who stood by each other in both good and bad times.
Yet, living-in is a popular concept among the young. In fact, even those who are not involved in such a relationship are all for it. Aloke Gupta, a Mumbai-based software engineer, is not in a live-in relationship, but says, "There is nothing wrong with a live-in situation. Different people see marriage differently. Some use it to lose their virginity, some to get dowry; some see it as a business deal, some to have children, and so on. Only a few marry for love. So a live-in relationship makes so much sense."
Menen adds, "The problem with marriages in India are the expectations. There are in-laws and an extended family - they all want different things from you. For example, during Diwali, I may just want to go and relax by the seaside. I can do this if I am single. But if I am married, I would have to be with my wife and visit people I don't want to meet, shop for gifts, and participate in rituals I do not believe in."
But while for many people living-in is a matter of personal choice, there are youngsters today who see it as a means of rebelling against their families or society. Two people should live together only if they are in love and seriously committed to each other, not to merely share a pad and save on expenses like food and travel. They also have to be strong enough to face social drama, as most people in India still do not accept such relationships.
Unfortunately, in cities like Delhi, Bangalore and Pune there are many young people -especially in the BPO industry - who get into a live-in relationship just to neutralise their boredom. While some end up formalising their tie with a marriage certificate, for many things go sour and they just move on.
Given this reality, the Maharashtra government's move to give women the right to seek maintenance post-desertion should be welcomed. Ramesh Menon is a journalist and documentary film maker.(Women's Feature Service)
16 November 2008Archana Baxi loves Delhi. Living in the big city gives her the anonymity she did not enjoy in her village in Punjab where she grew up. In Delhi, no one asks her prying questions like why she isn't married yet or what she does with her huge salary or why she lives in with her boyfriend - who shuttles between Delhi and Mumbai.
Archana only dreads her mother's periodic visits to the city because, like all mothers, Baxi senior voices her concerns on her daughter's living arrangement. She worries about what would become of Archana if her boyfriend decided to break off with her one day.
However, in what can be termed as a progressive move that will have a far-reaching impact, the Maharashtra government recently proposed an amendment in the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC) that would give a woman in a live-in relationship the right to seek maintenance post-desertion. Of course, it would need the Centre's stamp of approval before it can become a law. So, while it may be some more time before legal support for women in long-term live-in relationships across India comes into force, Archana's mother can at least lay some of her fears to rest.
The Maharashtra government recently approved a proposal where a woman in a live-in relationship for a "reasonable period" of time would get the status of a "wife". The approval came on the heels of the recommendations of the Justice Malimath Committee, which said that if a man and a woman are living together as husband and wife for a "reasonably long period", the man shall be deemed to have married the woman according to customary rights of either party.
The Malimath Committee was formed by the Centre to suggest reforms in the CrPC. However, only Maharashtra has shown interest in protecting the rights of women in polygamous relationships by working towards implementing some recommendations. The Centre has comfortably chosen to ignore them as they are bound to raise the hackles of the moral police.
When the proposed amendment was announced, critics immediately sprung up to say that the move would encourage men and women to get into multiple relationships outside of marriage. However, one of the major reasons for this move was that numerous women were finding it very difficult to get any assistance from men who had deserted them after living with them on the promise of marriage in the future. In many cases, the women did not even know that the man they had been living with was, in fact, already married.
As per the Malimath Committee recommendations, the state government, therefore, wants the CrPC to be amended so that the word 'wife' under Section 125 includes a woman living with a man like his wife for a "reasonably long period". This will ensure that these women are entitled to alimony.
Points out Mumbai-based writer Rajendar Menen, who has widely written on relationships, "I am sure people are living-in all over India surreptitiously. It is like corruption and visiting sex workers. But it is great that the government is finally accepting live-in relationships. It is a step in the right direction."
When the amendment comes through, it will, for the first time, protect the interests of women who have been taken for a ride by uncaring men. But the state has yet to clarify how long the "reasonably long period" should be. And this ambiguity many feel may give rise to bigamy. Menen says, "As time passes, marriage, as an institution, will get less important. It has already lost ground. A lot of people in urban settings are living together. They don't trumpet the fact, that's all. As women get more empowered and don't rely completely on men for financial support, they will begin to choose their partners for reasons other than monetary support. Thankfully, the balance is shifting now and men no longer call the shots."
Menen however is guarded on the pace and universality of the change. "But women's empowerment is a long and slow process, and all this will take time in India which lives in so many diverse time, cultural and economic zones" he says.
Live-in relationships are definitely more glamorous and easy but marriage has its advantages as well. Nick Powdthavee of the Department of Economics at the University of Warwick in England carried out a study of 9,704 married people at the university in 2005. The study revealed that married people were deriving happiness from each other's happiness unlike those who were just living together. The research also indicated that marriage encouraged the habit of sharing among spouses who stood by each other in both good and bad times.
Yet, living-in is a popular concept among the young. In fact, even those who are not involved in such a relationship are all for it. Aloke Gupta, a Mumbai-based software engineer, is not in a live-in relationship, but says, "There is nothing wrong with a live-in situation. Different people see marriage differently. Some use it to lose their virginity, some to get dowry; some see it as a business deal, some to have children, and so on. Only a few marry for love. So a live-in relationship makes so much sense."
Menen adds, "The problem with marriages in India are the expectations. There are in-laws and an extended family - they all want different things from you. For example, during Diwali, I may just want to go and relax by the seaside. I can do this if I am single. But if I am married, I would have to be with my wife and visit people I don't want to meet, shop for gifts, and participate in rituals I do not believe in."
But while for many people living-in is a matter of personal choice, there are youngsters today who see it as a means of rebelling against their families or society. Two people should live together only if they are in love and seriously committed to each other, not to merely share a pad and save on expenses like food and travel. They also have to be strong enough to face social drama, as most people in India still do not accept such relationships.
Unfortunately, in cities like Delhi, Bangalore and Pune there are many young people -especially in the BPO industry - who get into a live-in relationship just to neutralise their boredom. While some end up formalising their tie with a marriage certificate, for many things go sour and they just move on.
Given this reality, the Maharashtra government's move to give women the right to seek maintenance post-desertion should be welcomed. Ramesh Menon is a journalist and documentary film maker.(Women's Feature Service)
Thursday, November 20, 2008
Shivsena moves Bombay highcourt against Sadhvi’s ‘torture’
A Shiv Sena activist Thursday filed a public interest petition before the Bombay High Court seeking an inquiry into Malegaon blast accused Sadhvi Pragnya Chandrapal Singh Thakur’s charge that anti-terrorism squad officials were torturing her.The petition, filed by Shilpa Deshmukh, the Sena’s woman leader from Dadar, central Mumbai, has sought action against the Maharashtra police Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) for “gross misuse and abuse of its powers” in the investigations into the blast case, her lawyer V.P. Patil told us.
The petition is expected to come up for hearing before Chief Justice Swatanter Kumar next Thursday, he said. Sadhvi Pragnya, 38, and eight other accused, alleged to be part of a radical Hindu terror network, are in ATS custody for their suspected role in the blast in Malegaon town of Maharashtra Sep 29 that left six dead and 20 injured. In her petition, Deshmukh has contended that the ATS officials have been behaving in a “high-handed” manner in the investigations against the sadhvi. She also said that only male officers are probing the case against the sole woman accused, and questioned why there are no women investigators.
She has demanded that the entire investigation into the blast should be withdrawn from the ATS and handed over to the state Crime Investigation Department (CID), Patil said.In this context, she referred to the sadhvi’s affidavit filed before the Nashik Court this week, accusing the ATS of ill-treatment, physical and mental torture in confinement, and her prayers to the court, demanding narco-analysis tests on ATS officials.
The petition also raised objections to the manner in which ATS chief Hemant Karkare keeps revealing sensitive details of the investigation to the media. It has also pointed out that Deputy Chief Minister R.R. Patil, who holds the home portfolio, recently commended the ATS investigations as going in the “right direction”. The petitioner questioned whether Patil was conducting the investigations, and also how the home minister could make such an observation before the media, particularly since the matter is sub-judice.(IANS)
The petition is expected to come up for hearing before Chief Justice Swatanter Kumar next Thursday, he said. Sadhvi Pragnya, 38, and eight other accused, alleged to be part of a radical Hindu terror network, are in ATS custody for their suspected role in the blast in Malegaon town of Maharashtra Sep 29 that left six dead and 20 injured. In her petition, Deshmukh has contended that the ATS officials have been behaving in a “high-handed” manner in the investigations against the sadhvi. She also said that only male officers are probing the case against the sole woman accused, and questioned why there are no women investigators.
She has demanded that the entire investigation into the blast should be withdrawn from the ATS and handed over to the state Crime Investigation Department (CID), Patil said.In this context, she referred to the sadhvi’s affidavit filed before the Nashik Court this week, accusing the ATS of ill-treatment, physical and mental torture in confinement, and her prayers to the court, demanding narco-analysis tests on ATS officials.The petition also raised objections to the manner in which ATS chief Hemant Karkare keeps revealing sensitive details of the investigation to the media. It has also pointed out that Deputy Chief Minister R.R. Patil, who holds the home portfolio, recently commended the ATS investigations as going in the “right direction”. The petitioner questioned whether Patil was conducting the investigations, and also how the home minister could make such an observation before the media, particularly since the matter is sub-judice.(IANS)
a piece on radioactive contamination scandal in India & France
*Where are the Indian workers suffering from radioactive radiation?*
France's Nuclear Safety Authority has alerted the Indian authorities about the radioactive buttons. It said, the lift buttons contained traces of radioactive Cobalt 60. Radiological safety division of India's Atomic Energy Regulatory Board is investigating the concerns raised by France's Nuclear Safety Authority. The original complain was from Otis firm, a French subsidiary of the US company. The factory belonging to Mafelec company, which delivers the buttons to Otis noticed in early October. *Nuclear Safety Authority classed the incident at a factory of the Mafelec firm in the east-central town of Chimilin at level two on the seven-level International Nuclear Event Scale. *It said that of 30 workers exposed, 20 had been
exposed to doses of between one mSv (milli-Sievert) and three mSv. The maximum permitted dose for workers in the non-nuclear sector is one mSv.
The *Hazardous* Waste (*Management*, Handling and *Transboundary* Movement) *Rules*, 2008 is a declaration to the hazardous waste traders that the Indian Government offers no resistance to transboundary movement of hazardous and radioactive materials. It does not matter if it comes without prior decontamination in the country of export in manifest contempt of Supreme Court's directions in its order dated 14 October, 2003 in Writ Petition (Civil) 657 of 1995.
Atomic Energy (Safe Disposal of Radioactive Wastes) Rules, 1987 deals with the radioactive waste. There framers of both the Rules were oblivious to a situation where hazardous waste (recyclable metal scrap, according to Environment Ministry) and the products made out of it would be contaminated with radioactive materials.
*Hazardous* *Waste* *Rules* lays down the procedure for import of hazardous waste and how it would facilitate the same by providing administrative mechanism to ensure that even Port and Customs authorities ensure compliance when hazardous waste is imported by paying lip service seeking "safe handling". After creating the loophole it says, Custom authorities would take samples as per Customs Act 1962 prior to clearing the assignments. Technical Review Committee of MoEF as noted in the Rules should now show its sense of purpose by finding out where did the radioactive materials come from in the lift buttons made of scrap steel.
The case illustrates how even the new Rules remain full of loopholes. One would have been surprised, had it not been so because the Ministry defines hazardous waste as recyclable metal...and then asks agencies Customs and Atomic Energy Regulatory Board to probe the consequences of the flawed Rules. The Hazardous Waste Rules do not apply to radioactive waste as covered under the Atomic Energy Act, 1962 (33 of 1962)and rules made thereunder. *Consequently, Atomic Energy (Safe Disposal of Radioactive
Wastes) Rules, 1987 apply to it.*
But neither the Hazardous Waste Rules nor the Safe Disposal of Radioactive Wastes Rules seem to have foreseen a situation where metal scrap products are found to be contaminated with radioactive materials although while providing the definition, the Radioactive waste Rules, it says, "radioactive waste" means any waste material containing radionuclides in quantities or concentrations as prescribed by the competent authority by notification in the official gazette".
*Safe Disposal of Radioactive Wastes Rules* also provides for a "Radiological Safety Officer" who can advise the employer regarding the safe handling and disposal of radioactive wastes and on the steps necessary to ensure that the operational limits are not exceeded; to instruct the radiation workers engaged in waste disposal on the hazards of radiation and on suitable safety measures and work practices aimed at minimising exposures to radiation and contamination, and to ensure that adequate radiation surveillance is provided for all radiation workers and the environment.
Neither Environment Ministry, Labour Ministry nor the Atomic Energy Ministry provides for Radiological Safety Officer in the scarp metal yards. Radiological Safety Officer has to carry out such tests on conditioned radioactive wastes, as specified by the competent authority;to ensure that all buildings, laboratories and plants wherein radioactive wastes will be or are likely to be handled/produced, conditioned or stored or discharged from, are designed to provide adequate safety for safe handling and disposal of radioactive waste. He has to help investigate and initiate prompt and suitable remedial measures in respect of any situation that could lead to radiation hazards; and ...to ensure that the provisions of the Radiation Protection Rules, 1971 are followed properly.
In France, the 20 workers who suffered the radioactive radiation has been found and are being treated (if there is a treatment), our Environment Ministry, the Atomic Energy Regulatory Board (AERB) and Labour Ministry must now trace the Indian workers who suffered due to radiation while working with the metal scrap (from the scrap yard, re-rolling mills to the lift steel button manufacturing) that was contaminated with radioactive material.
The failure of the Ministries concerned is too stark to remain unnoticed.There is an urgent need to rewrite the present Rules that is more concerned about human health than hazardous waste trade. Likes of R K Vaish who drafted the Rules must be made accountable. The issue must be dealt with at a much higher level than is case now. There is no quick fix solution.(mediavigil)
France's Nuclear Safety Authority has alerted the Indian authorities about the radioactive buttons. It said, the lift buttons contained traces of radioactive Cobalt 60. Radiological safety division of India's Atomic Energy Regulatory Board is investigating the concerns raised by France's Nuclear Safety Authority. The original complain was from Otis firm, a French subsidiary of the US company. The factory belonging to Mafelec company, which delivers the buttons to Otis noticed in early October. *Nuclear Safety Authority classed the incident at a factory of the Mafelec firm in the east-central town of Chimilin at level two on the seven-level International Nuclear Event Scale. *It said that of 30 workers exposed, 20 had been
exposed to doses of between one mSv (milli-Sievert) and three mSv. The maximum permitted dose for workers in the non-nuclear sector is one mSv.
The *Hazardous* Waste (*Management*, Handling and *Transboundary* Movement) *Rules*, 2008 is a declaration to the hazardous waste traders that the Indian Government offers no resistance to transboundary movement of hazardous and radioactive materials. It does not matter if it comes without prior decontamination in the country of export in manifest contempt of Supreme Court's directions in its order dated 14 October, 2003 in Writ Petition (Civil) 657 of 1995.Atomic Energy (Safe Disposal of Radioactive Wastes) Rules, 1987 deals with the radioactive waste. There framers of both the Rules were oblivious to a situation where hazardous waste (recyclable metal scrap, according to Environment Ministry) and the products made out of it would be contaminated with radioactive materials.
*Hazardous* *Waste* *Rules* lays down the procedure for import of hazardous waste and how it would facilitate the same by providing administrative mechanism to ensure that even Port and Customs authorities ensure compliance when hazardous waste is imported by paying lip service seeking "safe handling". After creating the loophole it says, Custom authorities would take samples as per Customs Act 1962 prior to clearing the assignments. Technical Review Committee of MoEF as noted in the Rules should now show its sense of purpose by finding out where did the radioactive materials come from in the lift buttons made of scrap steel.
The case illustrates how even the new Rules remain full of loopholes. One would have been surprised, had it not been so because the Ministry defines hazardous waste as recyclable metal...and then asks agencies Customs and Atomic Energy Regulatory Board to probe the consequences of the flawed Rules. The Hazardous Waste Rules do not apply to radioactive waste as covered under the Atomic Energy Act, 1962 (33 of 1962)and rules made thereunder. *Consequently, Atomic Energy (Safe Disposal of Radioactive
Wastes) Rules, 1987 apply to it.*
But neither the Hazardous Waste Rules nor the Safe Disposal of Radioactive Wastes Rules seem to have foreseen a situation where metal scrap products are found to be contaminated with radioactive materials although while providing the definition, the Radioactive waste Rules, it says, "radioactive waste" means any waste material containing radionuclides in quantities or concentrations as prescribed by the competent authority by notification in the official gazette".
*Safe Disposal of Radioactive Wastes Rules* also provides for a "Radiological Safety Officer" who can advise the employer regarding the safe handling and disposal of radioactive wastes and on the steps necessary to ensure that the operational limits are not exceeded; to instruct the radiation workers engaged in waste disposal on the hazards of radiation and on suitable safety measures and work practices aimed at minimising exposures to radiation and contamination, and to ensure that adequate radiation surveillance is provided for all radiation workers and the environment.Neither Environment Ministry, Labour Ministry nor the Atomic Energy Ministry provides for Radiological Safety Officer in the scarp metal yards. Radiological Safety Officer has to carry out such tests on conditioned radioactive wastes, as specified by the competent authority;to ensure that all buildings, laboratories and plants wherein radioactive wastes will be or are likely to be handled/produced, conditioned or stored or discharged from, are designed to provide adequate safety for safe handling and disposal of radioactive waste. He has to help investigate and initiate prompt and suitable remedial measures in respect of any situation that could lead to radiation hazards; and ...to ensure that the provisions of the Radiation Protection Rules, 1971 are followed properly.
In France, the 20 workers who suffered the radioactive radiation has been found and are being treated (if there is a treatment), our Environment Ministry, the Atomic Energy Regulatory Board (AERB) and Labour Ministry must now trace the Indian workers who suffered due to radiation while working with the metal scrap (from the scrap yard, re-rolling mills to the lift steel button manufacturing) that was contaminated with radioactive material.
The failure of the Ministries concerned is too stark to remain unnoticed.There is an urgent need to rewrite the present Rules that is more concerned about human health than hazardous waste trade. Likes of R K Vaish who drafted the Rules must be made accountable. The issue must be dealt with at a much higher level than is case now. There is no quick fix solution.(mediavigil)
Wednesday, November 19, 2008
Miss Meerut Priyanka singh is a lesbian: Relatives
In a new twist to the Meerut double murder case, relatives of the prima-facie Priyanka Singh have alleged that she is a lesbian and demanded CBI inquiry into the case.Earlier, former Miss Meerut has retracted from her statement, saying she is innocent and has not killed her parents.
Priyanka's family members are suspicious about her inseparable friendship with Anju and a lesbian angle is also being viewed upon. Priyanka's aunt (bua) has also demanded her narco and DNA test.However, both Priyanka and Anju are separately held in judicial custody.Priyanka and her friend Anju are the prime accused in the double murder of the former's parents - father Premveer Singh and mother Santosh.
As per the police theory, on November 10, Priyanka visited her parents' home at Prayag Colony in Meerut along with Anju on the pretext of getting her mark sheet. However, an altercation took place during which Priyanka throttled her mother. Hearing the commotion, her father, a retired Junior Engineer, rushed to the room but he too was killed by the duo with the help of a kitchen knife. Post murder, both the girls fled with valuables and dumped the knife in a drain.Priyanka and her friend Anju are the prime accused in the double murder of the former’s parents - father Premveer Singh and mother Santosh.
As per the police theory, on November 10, Priyanka visited her parents’ home at Prayag Colony in Meerut along with Anju on the pretext of getting her mark sheet. However, an altercation took place during which Priyanka throttled her mother. Hearing the commotion, her father, a retired Junior Engineer, rushed to the room but he too was killed by the duo with the help of a kitchen knife. Post murder, both the girls fled with valuables and dumped the knife in a drain.
With the arrest of both the accused, it was discovered that both Priyanka and Anju belong to broken families and have been victims of family abuse. Priyanka nurtured a deep grudge against her father who teased her for being an illegitimate child. During her stint at a South Delhi Polytechnic, Priyanka came across Anju and they soon became close friends.
With Priyanka Singh’s U-turn, her relatives are asking for a CBI inquiry into the case. Priyanka’s family members are suspicious about her inseparable friendship with Anju and a lesbian angle is also being viewed upon. However, both Priyanka and Anju are separately held in judicial custody. Click Here And watch Real Story of Priyanka
Priyanka's family members are suspicious about her inseparable friendship with Anju and a lesbian angle is also being viewed upon. Priyanka's aunt (bua) has also demanded her narco and DNA test.However, both Priyanka and Anju are separately held in judicial custody.Priyanka and her friend Anju are the prime accused in the double murder of the former's parents - father Premveer Singh and mother Santosh.As per the police theory, on November 10, Priyanka visited her parents' home at Prayag Colony in Meerut along with Anju on the pretext of getting her mark sheet. However, an altercation took place during which Priyanka throttled her mother. Hearing the commotion, her father, a retired Junior Engineer, rushed to the room but he too was killed by the duo with the help of a kitchen knife. Post murder, both the girls fled with valuables and dumped the knife in a drain.Priyanka and her friend Anju are the prime accused in the double murder of the former’s parents - father Premveer Singh and mother Santosh.
As per the police theory, on November 10, Priyanka visited her parents’ home at Prayag Colony in Meerut along with Anju on the pretext of getting her mark sheet. However, an altercation took place during which Priyanka throttled her mother. Hearing the commotion, her father, a retired Junior Engineer, rushed to the room but he too was killed by the duo with the help of a kitchen knife. Post murder, both the girls fled with valuables and dumped the knife in a drain.
With the arrest of both the accused, it was discovered that both Priyanka and Anju belong to broken families and have been victims of family abuse. Priyanka nurtured a deep grudge against her father who teased her for being an illegitimate child. During her stint at a South Delhi Polytechnic, Priyanka came across Anju and they soon became close friends.
With Priyanka Singh’s U-turn, her relatives are asking for a CBI inquiry into the case. Priyanka’s family members are suspicious about her inseparable friendship with Anju and a lesbian angle is also being viewed upon. However, both Priyanka and Anju are separately held in judicial custody. Click Here And watch Real Story of Priyanka
Fact File of the Cop that Killed Rahul Raj
ACP Mohammed Javed, the police officer who allegedly did not try to negotiate with the gun-toting Rahul Raj before shooting him dead on a BEST bus at Kurla on Monday morning, was himself in the police net once.
Javed, who led the operation against 23-year-old Rahul, who had taken about 15 passengers on an Andheri-Kurla bus hostage at Bair Bazar in Kurla (west), and was the first one to shoot at him, had been arrested in connection with the multi-crore Telgi scam in 2004. He was later discharged for lack of evidence.
Javed, then an ACP with the Anti-Corruption Bureau, had been arrested by the special task force probing the Telgi scam for dereliction of duty amounting to connivance. After his arrest on January 2, 2004, he was suspended. Investigators, however, did not find enough evidence to sustain the charges against him and he was discharged from the case
after it was transferred to the CBI.
P.S.: In October 2006, the prime accused in the stamp paper scam worth $500 million plus, Abdul Karim Telgi, named Sharad Pawar as one of the politicians involved. This was revealed in a leaked video-tape of Telgi's narco-analysis test - now in the possession of the media - conducted in 2003, before the CBI took over the probe in 2004.The opposition had asked for Pawar's resignation after alleging he was involved in a multi-crore scam involving wheat imports.
Raj Thackeray is drawing his political and fiscal support from Sharad Pawar and Pawar's followers like R R Patil, Maharshtra's Deputy Chief Minister ordered the killing of Rahul Raj. Another of Pawar's partyman Praful Patel now says, non-Maharastrians should respect the sentiment and culture of the state. He advocated the "sons of the soil"
ideology and warned that if there was no "redrawing of balance" between Maharashtrians and others, "the people will themselves do it". Not surprisingly they have rejected the demand for chief minister Vilasrao Deshmukh's removal and Thackeray's immediate detention under National Security Act (NSA).
Sharad Pawar and his partyman escaped the cabinet meeting where ministers from Bihar made the demand for arrest of Raj under NSA which was endorsed by even Congress ministers. NCP has justified R R Patil's "bullet-for-bullet" theory and the killing of Bihari youth Rahul Raj.
G.R. Khairnar, former Deputy Commissioner of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation, made a series of accusations against Sharad Pawar for being involved in corruption and protecting the criminals.(mediavigil)
Javed, who led the operation against 23-year-old Rahul, who had taken about 15 passengers on an Andheri-Kurla bus hostage at Bair Bazar in Kurla (west), and was the first one to shoot at him, had been arrested in connection with the multi-crore Telgi scam in 2004. He was later discharged for lack of evidence.
Javed, then an ACP with the Anti-Corruption Bureau, had been arrested by the special task force probing the Telgi scam for dereliction of duty amounting to connivance. After his arrest on January 2, 2004, he was suspended. Investigators, however, did not find enough evidence to sustain the charges against him and he was discharged from the caseafter it was transferred to the CBI.
P.S.: In October 2006, the prime accused in the stamp paper scam worth $500 million plus, Abdul Karim Telgi, named Sharad Pawar as one of the politicians involved. This was revealed in a leaked video-tape of Telgi's narco-analysis test - now in the possession of the media - conducted in 2003, before the CBI took over the probe in 2004.The opposition had asked for Pawar's resignation after alleging he was involved in a multi-crore scam involving wheat imports.
Raj Thackeray is drawing his political and fiscal support from Sharad Pawar and Pawar's followers like R R Patil, Maharshtra's Deputy Chief Minister ordered the killing of Rahul Raj. Another of Pawar's partyman Praful Patel now says, non-Maharastrians should respect the sentiment and culture of the state. He advocated the "sons of the soil"
ideology and warned that if there was no "redrawing of balance" between Maharashtrians and others, "the people will themselves do it". Not surprisingly they have rejected the demand for chief minister Vilasrao Deshmukh's removal and Thackeray's immediate detention under National Security Act (NSA).
Sharad Pawar and his partyman escaped the cabinet meeting where ministers from Bihar made the demand for arrest of Raj under NSA which was endorsed by even Congress ministers. NCP has justified R R Patil's "bullet-for-bullet" theory and the killing of Bihari youth Rahul Raj.
G.R. Khairnar, former Deputy Commissioner of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation, made a series of accusations against Sharad Pawar for being involved in corruption and protecting the criminals.(mediavigil)
Crime and the media
We in the media need to seriously interrogate our approach towards crime and justice and ensure that we are not abetting the former and negating the latter, says KALPANA SHARMA
Nov 04, 2008
It is fascinating to watch how the Sangh Parivar is reacting to the current investigation into the Malegaon and Modasa bomb blasts, where a Hindu right-wing group is suspected of being responsible. Various leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party and other organisations are busy chastising the media for condemning those suspected of involvement even before they have been tried. Yet the same people were part of the chorus that pronounced judgment on every bomb blast even before forensic evidence had been gathered, naming the involvement of either Pakistan's ISI or calling it "Islamic" or "Jehadi" terrorism. And none of them were concerned that the media too tended to go along with such conclusions and produced voluminous reports on "terrorists" and "master-minds" even though these men were also mere "suspects".
The questions that the media has to confront, whether covering Malegaon and "Hindu terror" or the earlier blasts in Ahmedabad or Jaipur and "Islamic terror", are precisely the same: What is the job of the media? Should it report every speculative statement made by the police and by politicians, either officially or unofficially, when such incidents take place? Or should it try to balance such statements with reporting that conveys the uncertainties and nuances of investigations into crime, where there is no certainty until adequate evidence has been collected?
Last month, Chief Justice of India K. G. Balakrishnan also gave a pertinent reminder to the media about its role in reporting crime and on-going investigations. Speaking at a workshop organised by the Bombay High Court on Sunday, October 19 on "Reporting of Court Proceedings by Media", he said, "Privacy of the person must be protected. Sometimes damaging information is revealed during the investigation. It adversely affects people's right to a fair trial".He also reportedly criticised police officers revealing information to the media during investigation and said that this encroached upon the right to privacy.
The point that has to be debated and considered is not whether the media should report what the police reveals about a crime under investigation but how it should report it. We also need to question whether the police should leak to a few chosen journalists, or publicly release, incremental information on investigations into
crimes. Sometimes the information is not just incremental, it is also unsubstantiated and later contradicted by the police. But in the meantime, the individual involved is victim to grievous injustice, judged without a fair trial.
As far as the media is concerned, the norms of reporting on crime, or terror, should not differ. If suspects are picked up for a crime, they are precisely that – suspects. Until a case is made out that will hold in a court of law, we in the media cannot name them as "murderer", "thief", "cheat" or even "terrorist". Regardless of what the police reveal to the public, based on their investigations or confessions of these suspects, the media must qualify what it reports.
That is the only guarantee for the innocent amongst these suspects to have any chance of rebuilding their lives if they are proved innocent, or if the police are unable to establish their guilt. These norms have been well established and just because we now live in a more competitive media environment, they surely should not be abandoned.
Yet, even a cursory survey of both print and broadcast would reveal how easily some of these norms have slipped or even disappeared altogether. Their absence does nothing to enhance the credibility of the media.
We should be equally disturbed at the way various police units are rushing to the media with information. During the Arushi murder case, the police was shown up clearly to have crossed the line. The media could argue that it had no option but to report what the police said. But it is also evident that some of the media used the police information to dramatise the ghastly murder to increase their viewership. In the process, where was the individual's right to privacy or a fair trial?
The rash of media briefings, official and unofficial, continues unabated in the terror investigations. Why are they necessary? Do people need to know every detail about on-going investigations or is it more important to investigate and produce credible results? Today, ordinary people are genuinely confused about what really is going on and inevitably, there are questions raised about the credibility, and
even efficiency, of the various police forces. This is not the result of some inherent suspicion in the minds of people about the police.It is the consequence of the manner in which the police have exposed themselves by putting out half-baked information into the public domain through the media.
Apart from the terror investigations, media briefings are gradually becoming the norm amongst police in different cities even for minor crimes. For instance, earlier this month, the Mumbai police held a media briefing where they paraded a 10-year-old boy suspected of being responsible for spreading a rumour about people being kidnapped as part of a kidney racket. The boy apparently confessed. His father was also present at the briefing. The juvenile offender was photographed and the police officer gave his name and other details even though this is prohibited under the Juvenile Justice Act.
This particular briefing cannot be dismissed as an aberration, the action of a police officer bitten by the publicity bug. It raises the same questions as in the terror investigations -- is the police using the media because the media feeds off such information or is the media's aggressive demand for information on crime forcing the police to go public?
Another offshoot of the issue emphasised by the Chief Justice impinges on women who are victims of violence. When the rape of the nun in Kandhamal, Orissa, was first reported, no paper gave away her name or identity. And rightly so. Even when she spoke to some television channels, there was no hint of where she was, or who she was. But in subsequent days, some newspapers tracked down her family, carried
photographs of the village where they lived, gave details of the location of the village, quoted her father and brother, giving their full names. In other words, every bit of information short of the name of the victim was reported. (Even if she went public later, the earlier conduct of the media is highly questionable.) Can this be explained away as the inevitable consequence of a competitive media? How does such reporting conform to the Chief Justice's appeal for the individual's right to privacy? Should we just conform to the letter of the rule of not revealing the identity of rape victims or do we also have a responsibility to adhere to the spirit that informed that rule?
These are questions that the media must address. We need to seriously interrogate our approach towards crime and justice and ensure that we are not abetting the former and negating the latter.[The writer is an independent journalist based in Mumbai] (mediavigil)
Nov 04, 2008
It is fascinating to watch how the Sangh Parivar is reacting to the current investigation into the Malegaon and Modasa bomb blasts, where a Hindu right-wing group is suspected of being responsible. Various leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party and other organisations are busy chastising the media for condemning those suspected of involvement even before they have been tried. Yet the same people were part of the chorus that pronounced judgment on every bomb blast even before forensic evidence had been gathered, naming the involvement of either Pakistan's ISI or calling it "Islamic" or "Jehadi" terrorism. And none of them were concerned that the media too tended to go along with such conclusions and produced voluminous reports on "terrorists" and "master-minds" even though these men were also mere "suspects".
The questions that the media has to confront, whether covering Malegaon and "Hindu terror" or the earlier blasts in Ahmedabad or Jaipur and "Islamic terror", are precisely the same: What is the job of the media? Should it report every speculative statement made by the police and by politicians, either officially or unofficially, when such incidents take place? Or should it try to balance such statements with reporting that conveys the uncertainties and nuances of investigations into crime, where there is no certainty until adequate evidence has been collected? Last month, Chief Justice of India K. G. Balakrishnan also gave a pertinent reminder to the media about its role in reporting crime and on-going investigations. Speaking at a workshop organised by the Bombay High Court on Sunday, October 19 on "Reporting of Court Proceedings by Media", he said, "Privacy of the person must be protected. Sometimes damaging information is revealed during the investigation. It adversely affects people's right to a fair trial".He also reportedly criticised police officers revealing information to the media during investigation and said that this encroached upon the right to privacy.
The point that has to be debated and considered is not whether the media should report what the police reveals about a crime under investigation but how it should report it. We also need to question whether the police should leak to a few chosen journalists, or publicly release, incremental information on investigations into
crimes. Sometimes the information is not just incremental, it is also unsubstantiated and later contradicted by the police. But in the meantime, the individual involved is victim to grievous injustice, judged without a fair trial.
As far as the media is concerned, the norms of reporting on crime, or terror, should not differ. If suspects are picked up for a crime, they are precisely that – suspects. Until a case is made out that will hold in a court of law, we in the media cannot name them as "murderer", "thief", "cheat" or even "terrorist". Regardless of what the police reveal to the public, based on their investigations or confessions of these suspects, the media must qualify what it reports.
That is the only guarantee for the innocent amongst these suspects to have any chance of rebuilding their lives if they are proved innocent, or if the police are unable to establish their guilt. These norms have been well established and just because we now live in a more competitive media environment, they surely should not be abandoned.
Yet, even a cursory survey of both print and broadcast would reveal how easily some of these norms have slipped or even disappeared altogether. Their absence does nothing to enhance the credibility of the media.
We should be equally disturbed at the way various police units are rushing to the media with information. During the Arushi murder case, the police was shown up clearly to have crossed the line. The media could argue that it had no option but to report what the police said. But it is also evident that some of the media used the police information to dramatise the ghastly murder to increase their viewership. In the process, where was the individual's right to privacy or a fair trial?
The rash of media briefings, official and unofficial, continues unabated in the terror investigations. Why are they necessary? Do people need to know every detail about on-going investigations or is it more important to investigate and produce credible results? Today, ordinary people are genuinely confused about what really is going on and inevitably, there are questions raised about the credibility, and
even efficiency, of the various police forces. This is not the result of some inherent suspicion in the minds of people about the police.It is the consequence of the manner in which the police have exposed themselves by putting out half-baked information into the public domain through the media.
Apart from the terror investigations, media briefings are gradually becoming the norm amongst police in different cities even for minor crimes. For instance, earlier this month, the Mumbai police held a media briefing where they paraded a 10-year-old boy suspected of being responsible for spreading a rumour about people being kidnapped as part of a kidney racket. The boy apparently confessed. His father was also present at the briefing. The juvenile offender was photographed and the police officer gave his name and other details even though this is prohibited under the Juvenile Justice Act.
This particular briefing cannot be dismissed as an aberration, the action of a police officer bitten by the publicity bug. It raises the same questions as in the terror investigations -- is the police using the media because the media feeds off such information or is the media's aggressive demand for information on crime forcing the police to go public?
Another offshoot of the issue emphasised by the Chief Justice impinges on women who are victims of violence. When the rape of the nun in Kandhamal, Orissa, was first reported, no paper gave away her name or identity. And rightly so. Even when she spoke to some television channels, there was no hint of where she was, or who she was. But in subsequent days, some newspapers tracked down her family, carried
photographs of the village where they lived, gave details of the location of the village, quoted her father and brother, giving their full names. In other words, every bit of information short of the name of the victim was reported. (Even if she went public later, the earlier conduct of the media is highly questionable.) Can this be explained away as the inevitable consequence of a competitive media? How does such reporting conform to the Chief Justice's appeal for the individual's right to privacy? Should we just conform to the letter of the rule of not revealing the identity of rape victims or do we also have a responsibility to adhere to the spirit that informed that rule?
These are questions that the media must address. We need to seriously interrogate our approach towards crime and justice and ensure that we are not abetting the former and negating the latter.[The writer is an independent journalist based in Mumbai] (mediavigil)
Former 'Miss Meerut' sent to judicial remand for double murder
Once feted as 'Miss Meerut', 25-year-old Priyanka Singh was on Tuesday remanded in 14days judicial custody by a court here for the brutal murder of her parents, police said. Priyanka and her friend Anju were produced in a Meerut court, which sent them to judicial remand. On November 10, Priyanka had throttled her mother in a fit of rage and knifed her father when he tried to intervene. Her friend Anju was with her throughout, said police. Her mother had apparently refused to hand over some family papers and other personal articles to her, and also taunted her. This angered the girl and she throttled her mother to death. When her father Premvir Singh tried to stop her, the girls grabbed a kitchen knife and stabbed him. The two fled the spot, said Rakesh Jolly, Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP), Meerut. According to police, Priyanka used to hate her father for taunting her as illegitimate. Sources close to Priyanka's mother Santosh said that the girl was born of her relations with her husband. But Premvir Singh suspected Santosh of having illegitimate relations. “It's extremely tragic and unfortunate that first the mother and later the daughter were subjected to taunts and harassment by Premvir because of his suspicion," a relative of Santosh said.
Harassed by her family, Priyanka had begun searching for a new place to live in Amroha with the help of her friend Anju. Here Anju's cousin Ajendra tried to molest her. She had to face the same situation at Noida while hunting for a job, police said. Priyanka had been crowned 'Miss Meerut' in 2005 by then SSP Anju Gupta. Captain Bhagwan Dass Gupta, one of the organisers of the show of the Mishika Group, said: "We did not imagine that the girl would revolt against her family like this. She must have been burning from inside."
Psychologists say Priyanka's extreme step was not due to a sudden fit of rage but the outcome of being subjected to prolonged harassment by her family members. “Prolonged physical or mental torture can lead to aggression and anger among people, which after a period of time can erupt in this kind of violence,” Meerut-based psychologist Poonam Deodatt said.
“A child expects a lot from her parents, but instead when she is subjected to harassment and torture, the child starts harbouring feelings of hatred for them. Generally, daughters are attached a lot to their parents. But when instead of love and security, they are tortured, it is very likely that they could resort to extreme measures,” she said. The taunts that she was illegitimate must have rankled a lot. “When this happened over a period of time, she might have resorted to the murder,” said another noted psychologist Purnima Sahai. (sify)
Tuesday, November 18, 2008
Scurrilous insinuations about raped nun An Oriya daily owned and edited by a BJD MP has published a number of articles questioning the veracity of the rape, and making other insinuations. PRAMODINI PRADHAN of PUCL, Orissa asks whether such violations of Press Council guidelines should be allowed to go unchallenged.
Nov 06, 200
In the last few weeks, the issue of the alleged rape of a nun has been a subject of media attention, particularly in the local media. But if we look at how a section of the media has launched a seemingly motivated campaign vilifying the alleged victims, it is a matter of serious concern. While the role of the media in the larger context of the ongoing crisis in Kandhamal needs to be examined, I am responding here to the issue of nun's rape, which one newspaper has put it as the 'main issue'.
In a local Oriya daily, Dharitri, which is owned and edited by Tathagatha Satpathy, a sitting MP (BJD) from Orissa, a number of articles have been published questioning the veracity of the allegation of rape. The Samaj, another Oriya daily, has been carrying reports arguing that the allegation of rape is a blatant lie. No doubt, it is the duty and right of the press to bring out all facts relevant to a particular issue if there is sufficient reason/evidence to believe that it is true and its publication will be for public good. This is the standard norm of professionalism for the press as set by the Press Council of India.
Had the newspapers under discussion confined its writings to the facts of the matter to prove that the allegation of rape is false nobody would have objected to it. What is objectionable and condemnable is that the arguments put forward in these articles/reports are not confined to the relevant facts of the matter but have delved into the private space of the individuals concerned, questioning the sexual life of the victims. For the information of those who haven't had the chance to read these writings I am giving below the gist of the arguments as reported by these newspapers.
* In the medical reports, there is no sign of violence or forced action on any private parts of her body;
* On the other hand, there was evidence of she having a physical relation with one person within 24 hours preceding the incident (of the medical test)
* But the doctors didn't get any evidence of she being 'enjoyed' by more than one man;
* Further, the semen found on her body didn't have the sperm in it and this could be so only in case of elderly, old or impotent persons;
* Two lady doctors have conducted the medical test of the nun and have given the view that prior to the incident the nun was an experienced one in sexual intercourse;
* The forensic tests, done on the clothes that the nun was wearing during the time of rape, do not show any evidence of rape;
* Going by her statement to the press, it seems she had no such regrets.
The fact that even after the newspapers have reported about the character of the nun and have the evidence to prove that the allegation of rape is a blatant lie, the Christian community has not protested any of these reports. Their silence proves that they have accepted what the newspapers have reported.
It needs to be noted that the newspapers have made a reference to the case of another alleged rape of a nun which took place in 1999 in Orissa. As in the present case, the newspapers have questioned the sexual integrity of the concerned nun in the earlier case, quoting the medical report which, 'after examining the private parts' of the victim, reportedly mentioned that the 'unmarried nun' was not only not raped but 'she was experienced in having sexual intercourse with man'.
The Press Council of India has clear guidelines for the Press while reporting crime involving rape of women. But none of these is being followed by these newspapers.
By publishing such defamatory writings the publishers and editors of the concerned newspapers have clearly violated the norms of responsible journalism. While this matter should be brought to the notice of the Press Council of India, I think the response of the civil society organizations, women's groups and concerned individuals will matter most if we want to see the media refrain from such scurrilous writings while reporting incidents of rape. Judging a victim of rape by her past or present sexual life continues to be the norm in our society. In the present instance, before the case is admitted in the courts of law, the newspapers have tried the case and pronounced the judgement – the victim is condemned to be guilty on the basis of her sexual life. ---By Pramodini Pradhan (mediavigil)
Nov 06, 200In the last few weeks, the issue of the alleged rape of a nun has been a subject of media attention, particularly in the local media. But if we look at how a section of the media has launched a seemingly motivated campaign vilifying the alleged victims, it is a matter of serious concern. While the role of the media in the larger context of the ongoing crisis in Kandhamal needs to be examined, I am responding here to the issue of nun's rape, which one newspaper has put it as the 'main issue'.
In a local Oriya daily, Dharitri, which is owned and edited by Tathagatha Satpathy, a sitting MP (BJD) from Orissa, a number of articles have been published questioning the veracity of the allegation of rape. The Samaj, another Oriya daily, has been carrying reports arguing that the allegation of rape is a blatant lie. No doubt, it is the duty and right of the press to bring out all facts relevant to a particular issue if there is sufficient reason/evidence to believe that it is true and its publication will be for public good. This is the standard norm of professionalism for the press as set by the Press Council of India.
Had the newspapers under discussion confined its writings to the facts of the matter to prove that the allegation of rape is false nobody would have objected to it. What is objectionable and condemnable is that the arguments put forward in these articles/reports are not confined to the relevant facts of the matter but have delved into the private space of the individuals concerned, questioning the sexual life of the victims. For the information of those who haven't had the chance to read these writings I am giving below the gist of the arguments as reported by these newspapers.
* In the medical reports, there is no sign of violence or forced action on any private parts of her body;
* On the other hand, there was evidence of she having a physical relation with one person within 24 hours preceding the incident (of the medical test)
* But the doctors didn't get any evidence of she being 'enjoyed' by more than one man;
* Further, the semen found on her body didn't have the sperm in it and this could be so only in case of elderly, old or impotent persons;
* Two lady doctors have conducted the medical test of the nun and have given the view that prior to the incident the nun was an experienced one in sexual intercourse;
* The forensic tests, done on the clothes that the nun was wearing during the time of rape, do not show any evidence of rape;
* Going by her statement to the press, it seems she had no such regrets.
The fact that even after the newspapers have reported about the character of the nun and have the evidence to prove that the allegation of rape is a blatant lie, the Christian community has not protested any of these reports. Their silence proves that they have accepted what the newspapers have reported.
It needs to be noted that the newspapers have made a reference to the case of another alleged rape of a nun which took place in 1999 in Orissa. As in the present case, the newspapers have questioned the sexual integrity of the concerned nun in the earlier case, quoting the medical report which, 'after examining the private parts' of the victim, reportedly mentioned that the 'unmarried nun' was not only not raped but 'she was experienced in having sexual intercourse with man'.
The Press Council of India has clear guidelines for the Press while reporting crime involving rape of women. But none of these is being followed by these newspapers.
By publishing such defamatory writings the publishers and editors of the concerned newspapers have clearly violated the norms of responsible journalism. While this matter should be brought to the notice of the Press Council of India, I think the response of the civil society organizations, women's groups and concerned individuals will matter most if we want to see the media refrain from such scurrilous writings while reporting incidents of rape. Judging a victim of rape by her past or present sexual life continues to be the norm in our society. In the present instance, before the case is admitted in the courts of law, the newspapers have tried the case and pronounced the judgement – the victim is condemned to be guilty on the basis of her sexual life. ---By Pramodini Pradhan (mediavigil)
Journalistic Fascism
Ajit Sahi is an investigative reporter with the New Delhi-based Tehelka magazine. He recently published several startling reports clearly indicating that scores of innocent Muslims, including some former members or associates of the banned Students' Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), across the country have been falsely implicated by the police, intelligence agencies and the media as being behind various terror attacks. In this interview with Yoginder Sikand, he talks about how influential sections of the Indian media are playing a major role in demonizing Muslims today.
Q:You have been associated with the media for several years now. How do you see the way in which the so-called 'mainstream' Indian media responds to or projects Muslims and Islam, particularly in the context of the recent spate of bomb attacks, in which the media, despite the absence of evidence, has blamed Muslims and Muslim organizations for?
A: I think the media does not want to recognize or admit it, but it sees these issues from basically a Hindu, or at least a non-Muslim, point of view. I tell my media friends that if they were Muslims they would not believe any of this media propaganda about Indian Muslims taking to terrorism, or at least would be greatly suspicious of these claims, because these claims are largely dubious and false. They typically answer is, 'No, we are secular, liberal and progressive. We are not communal'. But I do not agree, of course. I think the way they respond necessarily indicates that they are influenced by their not being Muslim. A hidden anti-Muslim bias pervades the media, although media persons who like to call themselves secular and liberal would hate to admit this. This is reflected, for instance, in the fact that in most cases of Muslims arrested on grounds of terrorism, all that we have are 'confessions' before the police, which are not admissible as evidence before courts, because obviously such 'confessions' are often false and procured after brutal torture. But the media simply projects these statements as supposed evidence, and then weaves this picture of Muslims as terrorists.
At the same time, there is a distinct lack of willingness in large sections of the media to recognize the very obvious and very deadly fact of terrorism being engaged in by people linked to the Hindutva camp. Thus, for instance, there is huge evidence against Narendra Modi of being responsible for the massacre of Muslims in 2002, and if it was somewhere else in the world Modi would have been tried as a criminal, and would probably have been sentenced to death or a hundred years in prison. (For the record, I am opposed to capital punishment.)
I mean, he should be tried under international criminal law and charged with 'ethnic cleansing', but, of course, our supine, so-called 'mainstream' media is not demanding this. You really can't expect anything else from India's week-kneed so-called intellectuals. They do not have the guts to correctly describe Hindutva as it really is—as fascism, in the same league as Nazism.
Q: How do you explain what you have referred to as the deep and pervasive anti-Muslim bias in large sections of the Indian media?
A: One reason for this, of course, is that there are very few Muslims in the so called 'mainstream' media, even in those newspapers, magazines and TV channels that see themselves as 'progressive' or 'liberal'. Now, some might say that this is because there are relatively very few well-educated or well-qualified Muslims, but I don't buy that argument. Surely, if you have a staff of a hundred people it should not be difficult to find twelve or fourteen educated Muslims to employ to reflect the proportion of Muslims in the Indian population. But I would be surprised if any of the so-called 'mainstream' papers have even half that proportion of Muslims among their staff.
The argument is also often made that ensuring a proper representation of the Muslims or the marginalized castes; the Dalits and the Adivasis, in the media would impact on the media's quality or merit. I think this cry about merit is the biggest hoax. After all, we all know that appointments in government services and even so often in the private sector are often not made on the basis of any sort of merit at all. Give me another story! I'd rather believe that the British are going to come back to rule India than swallow the claim that appointments are always made on the basis of merit.
In India, merit basically has come to stand for those who can speak and write in English. Many of these so-called 'meritorious' people in the media have come straight out of universities or have done some media course in some Western institute. They have little idea of the Indian society. Because they are the English-speaking, they rarely have an insider's connect with the community they report on. In fact, they take pride in that fact and in distancing themselves from 'ordinary' people.They think that not having anything to do with non-English-speaking Indians sets them in a position to comment on our society. I think this is really despicable and tragic. And they style themselves as 'liberal' and 'unprejudiced', and claim to be 'objective' about marginalized groups, about Muslims or Adivasis or Dalits, but actually have deep-rooted prejudices about them, which many of them do not even realize they have. These subconscious biases are often much more dangerous than
consciously held prejudices.
Let me cite a personal instance. After I had published some reports in Tehelka exposing the lies of the media and the police about several innocent Muslims, some of who are said to have been associated with SIMI, and who had been wrongly branded as 'terrorists', the TV channel NDTV24x7 did a half hour programme on SIMI. They interviewed, among others, Praveen Swami, who works for the Hindu, and me. They used one sound bite of mine where I said that I had seen the judgments of the previous hree tribunals on SIMI and had found them to be bad judgments, because they lacked evidence and had based their opinion on statements made by the accused before the police, which is not admissible as evidence in a court of law. After my sound bite, they showed Praveen Swami who justified the ban on SIMI saying something to the effect that terrorist outfits are not corporate organizations that hold board meetings and pass resolutions authorizing terror attacks, and so obviously would be careful not to leave any evidence. He also suggested that India should modify the law so that statements given to the police is accepted as evidence.
After the programme was broadcast, I sent an SMS to the producer who had recorded my interview. I drew her attention to Praveen Swami's long-standing record as virtually a spokesman for the Intelligence Bureau. I mean, I would not even call him a journalist. He is, at best, an agent of the state, simply parroting the statements of the police and the intelligence bureau. That's copying-and-pasting, not serious journalism. I also wrote this NDTV producer that she ought to be careful before advocating that confessions made to the police be accepted as evidence, for that would unleash mayhem in the country. After all, we all know how false statements are often forcibly procured by the police from innocent people after brutally torturing them.
This NDTV producer replied to me, saying that like all complex questions, this one, too, had two sides to it, and so she had used Praveen Swami's statement to counter my
view. Now I fiercely respect her and my editorial independence, but talking about another side to a story about innocent people being wrongly targeted and branded as 'terrorists' would be like seeking to portray the 'other' side to the massacre of innocent people in Jallianwala Bagh by interviewing the man behind it, General
Dyer.
Now, mind you, this is the case with a serious TV channel like NDTV24x7, not some irrational, jingoistic channel like India TV or Aj Tak or IBN7. And the programme was sending out subtle messages that clearly appeared to back Praveen Swami's position, with the voiceover commentary on terrorism being accompanied by images of madrasas, bearded men and burkha-clad women that seemed to aim at creating and reinforcing the image of Muslims as terrorists. Now, this is just one example of a
huge number of such portrayals of Muslims in the media.
Q: How do you think this sort of portrayal of Muslims in the media can be countered?
A: The media is a reflection of the middle class of any country. It is the middle class that inhabits the media. So, unless the dominant views in a middle class change, the media cannot change substantially. People have to be sensitized to realities, but this is not what the media is really doing. This can only happen when there is a fair representation of all social groups, including religious communities and castes, in the media. But, like India's bureaucracy and the judiciary, the Indian media has a very heavy over-representation of 'upper' caste Hindus, who are otherwise a numerical minority in our society.
I am reminded of a brilliant though acerbic correspondence American journalist Alexander Cockburn recently had with Tom Brokaw, who is now anchoring NBC's Meet The Press show following the death of its host Tim Russert earlier this year. The simple question that Cockburn asked Brokaw repeatedly is: how come Meet The Press always has a white male as its host? Why doesn't NBC appoint a black journalist, of whom there are many who are also very qualified, as the next MTP host? Of course, after
exchanging two mails, Brokaw had lost his temper and was hurtling inanities – because there is no convincing explanation except white racism to Cockburn's question.
The Indian news media has become even more blatantly communal and anti-Muslim in recent decades. A turning point came when LK Advani became Minister for Information and Broadcasting in the Janata Party Government under Morarji Desai in 1977. That gave a tremendous boost to the RSS, which started pushing in large numbers of hardcore RSS-walas into various newspapers. Before that, the Hindutva ideology was considered so demeaning that people would not even discuss it in their drawing rooms. It was considered a pathetic contrast to the uplifting moral ideology of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, which aimed at healing our society and
nation-building. I mean, sanctifying the RSS ideology with religiosity is like matching Hitler with Gautam Buddha. But things began to change rapidly from the 1980s onwards, and now ultra-chauvinist forces have become very powerful and deeply entrenched all over in Indian media. This has to be seen in conjunction with the way that capitalism has unfolded in India. Rapacious capitalism and neo-imperialism go
hand-in-hand with divisive bigoted religious fervor and nationalist jingoism.
Q: In which way does nationalist jingoism feed into anti-Muslim biases?
A: I think there is a very clear and direct relationship between the two. The sort of nationalism that is being projected by the Hindutva lobby is fiercely anti-Muslim. It is premised on a Brahminical worldview. It projects Muslims, but also all non-Hindus and those Hindus who do not agree to its ideology, as 'anti-national'. The Hindutva groups say they are willing to accept Muslims so long as they don't "look Westward". This is a cunning strategy aimed at forever stoking the flames of divisiveness. For what is a Muslim worth if he doesn't look westward, toward Mecca? Isn't it bizarre to argue that capitalism is good to globalize but Islam must only localize?
Also, the Hindutva lobby is obsessed with military power and the desperate lust for India to be recognized as a 'super-power'. But the irony of the thing is that while it brands Muslims as 'anti-national', there are an overwhelming number of middle-class Hindu families in this country whose sons and daughters have gone, or who want to go, to settle in the US and thereby turn their backs to India. Strange as it may seem, NRI Hindus are one of the fiercest backers of Hindutva lobby that pushes son-of-the-soil nationalism. I think that it is these people who have abandoned India for the American life that are pathetically anti-national. Why shouldn't they be first asked to show their patriotism toward India by returning to the motherland? I
mean, how do you turn your back on your parents, on the land of your birth, its mountains, the air and the rivers of the country that nurtured you, and defect to America, a country founded on genocide and still practicing it on a global scale, and yet be not considered anti-national?
Q: To come back to the question of how and why large sections of the so-called 'mainstream' Indian media have become so communal, what other factors do you see at work?
A: I think we need to go back a bit in history to understand this. Before 1947, the English-language media was solidly pro-British, including papers like the Times of India, and even many of those that were owned by Indians. They wanted to be close to the centre of power, and that remains the same even today. But an influential section of the vernacular media joined the freedom struggle, especially after the return of Mahatma Gandhi to India from South Africa in 1915. A spirit of social service and sacrifice motivated such publications, as indeed they infested the national mood. Within such media, too, there was this notion that for the sake of the country and truth one should be prepared to put all at stake. So many publishers and editors went to jail for challenging British authority.
After 1947, our law-makers were aware of the dangers of leaving the media completely in the hands of their owners and unprotected journalists who could be susceptible to
manipulation. So, they enacted the Working Journalist Act, which determined that journalists' salaries and said their working conditions would be regulated not by the owners of media houses but by rules laid down by a wage board, headed by a retired high court judge, every few years. Journalists could not be sacked at the whim of the owners. For many years, this system worked fine. The modern post-Independence history of the Indian press has very many proud moments of workers' strikes called to force the hands of the proprietors to pay due wages of the workers as prescribed by a wage board. But all this began to change dramatically when Samir Jain, the inheritor of the Times of India group in 1988, began to offer journalists many times their salaries if they willingly left the wage board system and came on board on a simple hire-and-fire contract.
Soon the virus caught on in the entire industry and, as a result, the Working Journalist Act is now dead. So are the trade unions. Media organizations are now typical corporations centered on the profit motive and not on, what Obama called in his victory speech, "service and responsibility". Instead, the goal of all Indian media is to maximize profits.
All this was bound to change the quality of journalists.
Earlier, many newspapers and journals were edited by leading literary figures whose stature went far higher than those of the proprietors'. Editors of The Times of India
group, Girilal Jain and, before him, Sham lal, were stalwarts to whom Samir Jain's father, Ashok Jain, duly deferred. TOI publication Dharmyug had the literary giant Dharmvir Bharati as editor whose epochal writings 1950s onwards, such as Gunahon Ka Devata and Andha Yug, are still the benchmark for quality writing in Hindi literature. It is unbelievable today that a group like TOI, which now focuses entirely on profits and publishes the most banal news, published the Hindi journal Dinman, which was the pinnacle of intellectual discourse in Indian society as late as just 25 years ago.
The one not unexpected consequence of journalists losing the protection of the Working Journalist Act is that they have become much more susceptible to pressures and manipulation. They are now hired on a contract basis and can be dismissed whenever the owners want. That, indeed, is the norm in any newspaper or TV news office. Journalists have little or no job protection, and are at the mercy of a class of owners who are hugely compromised, many engaged in dubious business deals, hobnobbing with politicians, aspiring for the Rajya Sabha, running their media houses to further selfish economic interests. This loss of journalistic integrity has provided a tailor-made situation for what I call 'journalistic fascism'.
Q: What do you mean by that term?
A: By this I mean a sort of extreme jingoism to the point of schizophrenia, wholly devoid of reasoning and empiricism, playing on completely wrong and insensible biases and prejudices and seeking to prove these as 'sensible'. And this is well illustrated in the case of the fiercely anti-Muslim biases that characterize large sections of even the so-called 'mainstream' media. Let me give you an instance. When the SIMI case was being heard in the Supreme Court a Muslim friend was sitting at the back of the media room when he overheard some journalist friends – Hindus –
abusing India's Muslims in the vilest terms, branding them as traitors who deserved to be expelled from India, and so on. He was stunned. These were his friends, right? I mean, you might expect this sort of stuff to be said in an RSS shakha, certainly not from so-called top national-level journalists sitting in the media room
of the Supreme Court?
The most devastating consequence of the changing media ethic that sees maximization of profits, rather than social service, as their primary objective is to be seen in how journalists have been displaced in media houses by sales and marketing teams as effective decision-makers. Often, leading staffs in these teams have stronger bases and far larger pay packets than even the top editorial persons.
And the principle drive of these sales and marketing bosses is to maximize circulation or viewership, which then translates into higher profits. Like the tabloids of London, this can only mean a shortcut to sensationalism, by playing on and further magnifying basest prejudices, and this holds true as regards the issue of anti-Muslim prejudices as well.
Let me cite an instance. After the 19 September Batla House police encounter in Delhi's Jamia Nagar, some friends in an English TV news channel ran a half-hour prime time show raising all the doubts about the police claim that the two alleged terrorists shot down had killed Inspector MC Sharma. The show in the very next half-hour was, however, devoted to the many awards Sharma – a dubious police officer anyway with many "encounters" under his belt – had received in his lifetime. The first show got a viewership of around a fifth of the latter, and so from the next day they decided to adopt only the line on which the second story was based, thus pandering to the prejudices of the viewers because they found that profitable.
So you see, no matter what the hunks and babes of TV news tell you in their TV promos about how fiercely independent they are, the truth is that it is increasingly the marketing and sales teams that decide what shows should be made and broadcast or what articles and views should be published, or what should be 'consumed'. I am sure you know that readers and viewers are now called 'consumers' internally in the media
houses. I know that – I grew up in that environment and practiced it until I realised what I was doing and bolted from it. If you go to the office of any of the scores of TV channels that have cropped up you can see this for yourself. The entire process of deciding what programmes to do is based on what ratings, in terms of viewership, they are likely to get. These channels are staffed by men and women
barely beyond teenage, who are given hefty salaries but who have little or no knowledge of and empathy for their own societies, particularly for the poor and the oppressed. Many of such journalists are intellectual pygmies, not more intelligent and aware than George Bush.
In other words, all this talk of 'socially responsible media' is just for public consumption. So, to expect any kind of 'society first' attitude from this media is simply foolish.
In the US, if there is the rabidly right-wing Fox News and the Weekly Standard, there is at least a Los Angeles Times, and countless other liberal media projects. But in India, one simply despairs to find a single liberal media outfit that talks the language of sanity and practices the journalism of truth, at least on the issue of Muslims.
Q: What do you think Muslim organizations should do to counter the demonization of the community in the media?
A: To expect that the media, the courts, the police and the politicians would deliver on their own is futile. For this, one has to build public pressure. Muslim organizations and ordinary Muslims must get out of this sense of victimization in which they are trapped. I can empathise with them, given the concerted assaults on their lives and liberties. But they alone can bring themselves out of it. They have to mobilize their community and battle, without doubt in a non-violent way, for their
civil rights as Indians. What can they do? Well, if a hundred Muslims were to arrive in a courtroom when an innocent Muslim, falsely accused of being a terrorist, is brought before the magistrate, there would be immense pressure on that magistrate to record the statement of the accused instead of leaning the way of the police and sending him back with the police, to be tortured more. Mahatma Gandhi repeatedly said that none could be a slave if he was not willing. So, Muslims need to get out of their siege mentality, and stand up and speak from a position of fearlessness. After all, how many innocent Muslims can the police keep arresting or shooting down in fake encounters? During my travels, across India and recently even overseas, I remind my Muslim brothers of the non-violent resistance exemplified in the life of
the Prophet Muhammad, who agreed to a compromise with his Meccan opponents in the Treaty of Hudaibiyah and risked his leadership, but did not give up the peaceful approach. As an unarmed Prophet it was more difficult for his Meccan opponents to deal with him, and because of this he was able to change their hearts so much that the next year he triumphantly entered Mecca totally peacefully and the Meccans accepted Islam.
I know it is easy to pontificate. After all, I am a Hindu and I don't need to dread the evil state and the public bias that our Muslim brothers face. Yet, my advice to my Muslim brothers is to give up fear, anger and bitterness. This is a moral fight if ever there was one, and we must understand that though we are ranged against them, even the perpetrators of such horrific injustice on innocent Muslims are its victims.
Muslims must seek to build pressure on the judiciary and to engage with the Hindu middle-class and the media. But my biggest fear is, and I sincerely hope this does not turn out to be true, if the oppression of Muslims continues unabated they might find themselves pushed to the wall and might then react through counter-violence. And if, God forbid, this happens, because the entire system has failed Muslims, including the police, the courts, the politicians and the media, and they have been
denied justice and hope, then it would spell disaster for them as well as for the country. I am not being an alarmist, just realistic. It is time that the leaders of this country, or those who call themselves so, wake up to this danger ahead.
Q: You have investigated scores of cases of Muslim youth, many of them said to be former members or sympathizers of the banned SIMI, who, you have found, have been falsely accused of being responsible for various terror acts. Can you summarise your findings?
A: I have seen some 150 such cases, and these are meant to be the really serious or major ones. In none of these cases is there much, or, in the vast majority of the cases, any, evidence to establish the guilt of the accused. In fact, if anything, there is overwhelming evidence to establish the innocence of most of the accused.
Q: So, then, who do you think might be responsible for many of the deadly blasts that have taken place across India recently? In some cases, as the recent revelations about the Modassa and Malegaon blasts suggest, could Hindutva terror groups be involved?
A: I can't answer that question without firm evidence, but I would not be surprised if there is a link between the sudden increase in the incidence of such bomb blasts and the nearness of the Parliamentary elections. I think an in-depth study also needs to be made of the timing of such blasts. For instance, Manmohan Singh survives the no-trust vote in Parliament on July 22 and just three-four days later bombs go off in Bangalore and Ahmedabad. Then, a day after the fraudulent Nanavati
report on the Godhra train fire is released, Tehelka editor Tarun Tejpal held a press conference showing hidden camera's video of a petrol pump attendant in Godhra admitting he was bribed by the police to falsely accuse Muslims of buying petrol from him to burn the train.
Nanavati had premised his entire finding on the testimony of this petrol pump attendant, who we conclusively proved – in his own words – to have lied after taking a bribe. That press conference was broadcast live in the afternoon. It would certainly have become a big story for the news networks in the evening. But just about half an hour after the press conference, a bomb went off in South Delhi's
Mehrauli. And the media effectively dumped Tehelka's startling revelations to vacuously report on the Mehrauli blast. So, I think there is an urgent need to do a detailed study about precisely when such blasts happen, and perhaps on the
basis of that we can think of some causal relationships.
We must understand that it is not just the hardcore Hindutva outfits that are seeking to cash in on this rhetoric of terrorism. Look at the horrendous way in which
even in Congress-ruled states such as Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Delhi innocent Muslims are being hounded in the name of countering terrorism, at the same time as the Congress is soft-pedalling the issue of Hindutva terrorism for fear of losing Hindu votes. The Congress is no less a pathetically scheming party than the BJP.
Q: Some people have raised the possibility of groups like the CIA or Mossad being involved in acts of disruption in India in order to destablise the country and to drive it further into the embrace of America and Israel. How do you
see this argument?
A: On this I am wary of speculating anything, because I like to speak on the basis of evidence. But, yes, I would like the CIA's operations in India to be explored. We need to know a lot more about the CIA than we presently do.Unfortunately, many of us are blind to the reality of how shameless America and the CIA have been since the past century. The CIA has for long been involved in engineering internal strife
all over the world. US expansionism and imperialist hegemony is premised on promoting internal instability abroad. We know, for instance, how the CIA trained the Pakistani ISI and Osama bin Laden to fight the Russians. And now there's talk about the Americans and Israelis working with the Indian armed forces in counter-insurgency operations, and a separate institution for this has been set up somewhere in Mizoram. America and Israel have done everything in their power to bring hatred
upon their own countries. So why do we want to be in their league? Look at where Pakistan has reached—almost to the point of civil war—by siding with America. Do we want to go the same way? I,for one, do not.
Q. What do you feel about the 'Indian Mujahideen' and another outfit with a similar-sounding name that has been blamed for the Assam blasts? Do you think these are real organizations or are they, as some people allege, simply fictitious and perhaps a creation of the Hindutva lobby and/or the intelligence bureau? Is there any sold proof that these outfits do actually exist?
A. Once again, I can't say they don't exist without incontrovertible proof that indeed these are only a figment of the police's imagination. But the fact is that the
credibility of the Indian police and intelligence agencies is, as far as I am concerned, questionable, to put it mildly.Can you remember the last time the police in India genuinely cracked a case without public pressure, or came up with the truth, or did not try to implicate a wrong guy? I will take you back six years when
Delhi-based journalist Iftikhar Geelani was arrested by the Delhi Police and accused by the Intelligence Bureau of spying for Pakistan. The poor man spent seven harrowing months in Tihar Jail, on which he wrote a book, My Days In Prison. It turned out that the entire case against Geelani (not to be confused with Prof. SAR Geelani of the Parliament attack case) was fabricated by the IB. The secret and
classified document that the IB claimed was found on his computer was a document that was published by an Islamabad institute and widely circulated, including in India. In fact, so malicious was the IB that they altered the document to make it a look as if it was from the Indian government.
So, coming back to Indian Mujahideen, if the Indian security agencies and the police have a watertight case against this outfit, then why don't they bring the evidence
to the public domain? Why are they always racing to hold a press conference and plant stories of their claims through pliant journalists like Praveen Swami but never forthcoming with evidence? How do we know for sure that the e-mails that the
government claims were sent by IM were actually sent by it?
At this point, I must tell my Hindu brothers and sisters of the Indian middle class – many of who appear to be resolutely behind the IB and the police insofar as the Muslim-as-terrorists theories are concerned – that they should be careful in allowing their prejudices to get the better of their reasoning. I mean, just look at how the American white, Christian middle class plumbed for all the deceitful lying that George Bush did in order to get their support to attack Afghanistan and Iraq. When people ask me why would IB and the police lie, I ask them, why do they think George Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Colin Powell and Condoleeza Rice lied and continue to lie? After all, these were the top leaders of the world's most powerful
'democracy'. So let's not be naïve and reject the possibilities that the Indian Mujahideen does not exist.
Q. You say the timings of the blasts need to be studied and point to the fact of the sudden increase in these blasts as the elections draw closer, thus suggesting a possible causal relationship. Can you elaborate on precisely which
political forces/parties might stand to gain from these blasts, which, in turn, might shed some light on this possible causal relationship?
A. I must make this clear that I am not suggesting that any political party is behind the bomb blasts, though BJPleader Sushma Swaraj did stunningly seemed to suggest that the Congress might be behind the Ahmedabad blasts of July 26 this year. But isn't it obvious which parties stand to gain from the politics of polarizing that follows such terror attacks? It is obvious that the BJP gains a lot from consolidating an anti-Muslim bias among at least the urban Hindus by raising the fear of unchecked terrorism arriving at our doorstep. We now have the very interesting case unfolding in Maharashtra with the arrest of hardcore Hindutva elements for the September blasts in Malegaon. But, as I said, the Indian police cannot be trusted, and the entire Malegaon case could well be a political stunt by a desperate Congress party, which rules Maharashtra, to counter the political mileage that the BJP was hoping to draw from the blaming of Muslims for the other terror attacks.--By Yoginder Sikand (mediavigil)
Q:You have been associated with the media for several years now. How do you see the way in which the so-called 'mainstream' Indian media responds to or projects Muslims and Islam, particularly in the context of the recent spate of bomb attacks, in which the media, despite the absence of evidence, has blamed Muslims and Muslim organizations for?
A: I think the media does not want to recognize or admit it, but it sees these issues from basically a Hindu, or at least a non-Muslim, point of view. I tell my media friends that if they were Muslims they would not believe any of this media propaganda about Indian Muslims taking to terrorism, or at least would be greatly suspicious of these claims, because these claims are largely dubious and false. They typically answer is, 'No, we are secular, liberal and progressive. We are not communal'. But I do not agree, of course. I think the way they respond necessarily indicates that they are influenced by their not being Muslim. A hidden anti-Muslim bias pervades the media, although media persons who like to call themselves secular and liberal would hate to admit this. This is reflected, for instance, in the fact that in most cases of Muslims arrested on grounds of terrorism, all that we have are 'confessions' before the police, which are not admissible as evidence before courts, because obviously such 'confessions' are often false and procured after brutal torture. But the media simply projects these statements as supposed evidence, and then weaves this picture of Muslims as terrorists.
At the same time, there is a distinct lack of willingness in large sections of the media to recognize the very obvious and very deadly fact of terrorism being engaged in by people linked to the Hindutva camp. Thus, for instance, there is huge evidence against Narendra Modi of being responsible for the massacre of Muslims in 2002, and if it was somewhere else in the world Modi would have been tried as a criminal, and would probably have been sentenced to death or a hundred years in prison. (For the record, I am opposed to capital punishment.)
I mean, he should be tried under international criminal law and charged with 'ethnic cleansing', but, of course, our supine, so-called 'mainstream' media is not demanding this. You really can't expect anything else from India's week-kneed so-called intellectuals. They do not have the guts to correctly describe Hindutva as it really is—as fascism, in the same league as Nazism.
Q: How do you explain what you have referred to as the deep and pervasive anti-Muslim bias in large sections of the Indian media?A: One reason for this, of course, is that there are very few Muslims in the so called 'mainstream' media, even in those newspapers, magazines and TV channels that see themselves as 'progressive' or 'liberal'. Now, some might say that this is because there are relatively very few well-educated or well-qualified Muslims, but I don't buy that argument. Surely, if you have a staff of a hundred people it should not be difficult to find twelve or fourteen educated Muslims to employ to reflect the proportion of Muslims in the Indian population. But I would be surprised if any of the so-called 'mainstream' papers have even half that proportion of Muslims among their staff.
The argument is also often made that ensuring a proper representation of the Muslims or the marginalized castes; the Dalits and the Adivasis, in the media would impact on the media's quality or merit. I think this cry about merit is the biggest hoax. After all, we all know that appointments in government services and even so often in the private sector are often not made on the basis of any sort of merit at all. Give me another story! I'd rather believe that the British are going to come back to rule India than swallow the claim that appointments are always made on the basis of merit.
In India, merit basically has come to stand for those who can speak and write in English. Many of these so-called 'meritorious' people in the media have come straight out of universities or have done some media course in some Western institute. They have little idea of the Indian society. Because they are the English-speaking, they rarely have an insider's connect with the community they report on. In fact, they take pride in that fact and in distancing themselves from 'ordinary' people.They think that not having anything to do with non-English-speaking Indians sets them in a position to comment on our society. I think this is really despicable and tragic. And they style themselves as 'liberal' and 'unprejudiced', and claim to be 'objective' about marginalized groups, about Muslims or Adivasis or Dalits, but actually have deep-rooted prejudices about them, which many of them do not even realize they have. These subconscious biases are often much more dangerous than
consciously held prejudices.
Let me cite a personal instance. After I had published some reports in Tehelka exposing the lies of the media and the police about several innocent Muslims, some of who are said to have been associated with SIMI, and who had been wrongly branded as 'terrorists', the TV channel NDTV24x7 did a half hour programme on SIMI. They interviewed, among others, Praveen Swami, who works for the Hindu, and me. They used one sound bite of mine where I said that I had seen the judgments of the previous hree tribunals on SIMI and had found them to be bad judgments, because they lacked evidence and had based their opinion on statements made by the accused before the police, which is not admissible as evidence in a court of law. After my sound bite, they showed Praveen Swami who justified the ban on SIMI saying something to the effect that terrorist outfits are not corporate organizations that hold board meetings and pass resolutions authorizing terror attacks, and so obviously would be careful not to leave any evidence. He also suggested that India should modify the law so that statements given to the police is accepted as evidence.
After the programme was broadcast, I sent an SMS to the producer who had recorded my interview. I drew her attention to Praveen Swami's long-standing record as virtually a spokesman for the Intelligence Bureau. I mean, I would not even call him a journalist. He is, at best, an agent of the state, simply parroting the statements of the police and the intelligence bureau. That's copying-and-pasting, not serious journalism. I also wrote this NDTV producer that she ought to be careful before advocating that confessions made to the police be accepted as evidence, for that would unleash mayhem in the country. After all, we all know how false statements are often forcibly procured by the police from innocent people after brutally torturing them.
This NDTV producer replied to me, saying that like all complex questions, this one, too, had two sides to it, and so she had used Praveen Swami's statement to counter my
view. Now I fiercely respect her and my editorial independence, but talking about another side to a story about innocent people being wrongly targeted and branded as 'terrorists' would be like seeking to portray the 'other' side to the massacre of innocent people in Jallianwala Bagh by interviewing the man behind it, General
Dyer.
Now, mind you, this is the case with a serious TV channel like NDTV24x7, not some irrational, jingoistic channel like India TV or Aj Tak or IBN7. And the programme was sending out subtle messages that clearly appeared to back Praveen Swami's position, with the voiceover commentary on terrorism being accompanied by images of madrasas, bearded men and burkha-clad women that seemed to aim at creating and reinforcing the image of Muslims as terrorists. Now, this is just one example of a
huge number of such portrayals of Muslims in the media.
Q: How do you think this sort of portrayal of Muslims in the media can be countered?
A: The media is a reflection of the middle class of any country. It is the middle class that inhabits the media. So, unless the dominant views in a middle class change, the media cannot change substantially. People have to be sensitized to realities, but this is not what the media is really doing. This can only happen when there is a fair representation of all social groups, including religious communities and castes, in the media. But, like India's bureaucracy and the judiciary, the Indian media has a very heavy over-representation of 'upper' caste Hindus, who are otherwise a numerical minority in our society.
I am reminded of a brilliant though acerbic correspondence American journalist Alexander Cockburn recently had with Tom Brokaw, who is now anchoring NBC's Meet The Press show following the death of its host Tim Russert earlier this year. The simple question that Cockburn asked Brokaw repeatedly is: how come Meet The Press always has a white male as its host? Why doesn't NBC appoint a black journalist, of whom there are many who are also very qualified, as the next MTP host? Of course, after
exchanging two mails, Brokaw had lost his temper and was hurtling inanities – because there is no convincing explanation except white racism to Cockburn's question.
The Indian news media has become even more blatantly communal and anti-Muslim in recent decades. A turning point came when LK Advani became Minister for Information and Broadcasting in the Janata Party Government under Morarji Desai in 1977. That gave a tremendous boost to the RSS, which started pushing in large numbers of hardcore RSS-walas into various newspapers. Before that, the Hindutva ideology was considered so demeaning that people would not even discuss it in their drawing rooms. It was considered a pathetic contrast to the uplifting moral ideology of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, which aimed at healing our society and
nation-building. I mean, sanctifying the RSS ideology with religiosity is like matching Hitler with Gautam Buddha. But things began to change rapidly from the 1980s onwards, and now ultra-chauvinist forces have become very powerful and deeply entrenched all over in Indian media. This has to be seen in conjunction with the way that capitalism has unfolded in India. Rapacious capitalism and neo-imperialism go
hand-in-hand with divisive bigoted religious fervor and nationalist jingoism.
Q: In which way does nationalist jingoism feed into anti-Muslim biases?
A: I think there is a very clear and direct relationship between the two. The sort of nationalism that is being projected by the Hindutva lobby is fiercely anti-Muslim. It is premised on a Brahminical worldview. It projects Muslims, but also all non-Hindus and those Hindus who do not agree to its ideology, as 'anti-national'. The Hindutva groups say they are willing to accept Muslims so long as they don't "look Westward". This is a cunning strategy aimed at forever stoking the flames of divisiveness. For what is a Muslim worth if he doesn't look westward, toward Mecca? Isn't it bizarre to argue that capitalism is good to globalize but Islam must only localize?
Also, the Hindutva lobby is obsessed with military power and the desperate lust for India to be recognized as a 'super-power'. But the irony of the thing is that while it brands Muslims as 'anti-national', there are an overwhelming number of middle-class Hindu families in this country whose sons and daughters have gone, or who want to go, to settle in the US and thereby turn their backs to India. Strange as it may seem, NRI Hindus are one of the fiercest backers of Hindutva lobby that pushes son-of-the-soil nationalism. I think that it is these people who have abandoned India for the American life that are pathetically anti-national. Why shouldn't they be first asked to show their patriotism toward India by returning to the motherland? I
mean, how do you turn your back on your parents, on the land of your birth, its mountains, the air and the rivers of the country that nurtured you, and defect to America, a country founded on genocide and still practicing it on a global scale, and yet be not considered anti-national?
Q: To come back to the question of how and why large sections of the so-called 'mainstream' Indian media have become so communal, what other factors do you see at work?
A: I think we need to go back a bit in history to understand this. Before 1947, the English-language media was solidly pro-British, including papers like the Times of India, and even many of those that were owned by Indians. They wanted to be close to the centre of power, and that remains the same even today. But an influential section of the vernacular media joined the freedom struggle, especially after the return of Mahatma Gandhi to India from South Africa in 1915. A spirit of social service and sacrifice motivated such publications, as indeed they infested the national mood. Within such media, too, there was this notion that for the sake of the country and truth one should be prepared to put all at stake. So many publishers and editors went to jail for challenging British authority.
After 1947, our law-makers were aware of the dangers of leaving the media completely in the hands of their owners and unprotected journalists who could be susceptible to
manipulation. So, they enacted the Working Journalist Act, which determined that journalists' salaries and said their working conditions would be regulated not by the owners of media houses but by rules laid down by a wage board, headed by a retired high court judge, every few years. Journalists could not be sacked at the whim of the owners. For many years, this system worked fine. The modern post-Independence history of the Indian press has very many proud moments of workers' strikes called to force the hands of the proprietors to pay due wages of the workers as prescribed by a wage board. But all this began to change dramatically when Samir Jain, the inheritor of the Times of India group in 1988, began to offer journalists many times their salaries if they willingly left the wage board system and came on board on a simple hire-and-fire contract.
Soon the virus caught on in the entire industry and, as a result, the Working Journalist Act is now dead. So are the trade unions. Media organizations are now typical corporations centered on the profit motive and not on, what Obama called in his victory speech, "service and responsibility". Instead, the goal of all Indian media is to maximize profits.
All this was bound to change the quality of journalists.
Earlier, many newspapers and journals were edited by leading literary figures whose stature went far higher than those of the proprietors'. Editors of The Times of India
group, Girilal Jain and, before him, Sham lal, were stalwarts to whom Samir Jain's father, Ashok Jain, duly deferred. TOI publication Dharmyug had the literary giant Dharmvir Bharati as editor whose epochal writings 1950s onwards, such as Gunahon Ka Devata and Andha Yug, are still the benchmark for quality writing in Hindi literature. It is unbelievable today that a group like TOI, which now focuses entirely on profits and publishes the most banal news, published the Hindi journal Dinman, which was the pinnacle of intellectual discourse in Indian society as late as just 25 years ago.
The one not unexpected consequence of journalists losing the protection of the Working Journalist Act is that they have become much more susceptible to pressures and manipulation. They are now hired on a contract basis and can be dismissed whenever the owners want. That, indeed, is the norm in any newspaper or TV news office. Journalists have little or no job protection, and are at the mercy of a class of owners who are hugely compromised, many engaged in dubious business deals, hobnobbing with politicians, aspiring for the Rajya Sabha, running their media houses to further selfish economic interests. This loss of journalistic integrity has provided a tailor-made situation for what I call 'journalistic fascism'.
Q: What do you mean by that term?
A: By this I mean a sort of extreme jingoism to the point of schizophrenia, wholly devoid of reasoning and empiricism, playing on completely wrong and insensible biases and prejudices and seeking to prove these as 'sensible'. And this is well illustrated in the case of the fiercely anti-Muslim biases that characterize large sections of even the so-called 'mainstream' media. Let me give you an instance. When the SIMI case was being heard in the Supreme Court a Muslim friend was sitting at the back of the media room when he overheard some journalist friends – Hindus –
abusing India's Muslims in the vilest terms, branding them as traitors who deserved to be expelled from India, and so on. He was stunned. These were his friends, right? I mean, you might expect this sort of stuff to be said in an RSS shakha, certainly not from so-called top national-level journalists sitting in the media room
of the Supreme Court?
The most devastating consequence of the changing media ethic that sees maximization of profits, rather than social service, as their primary objective is to be seen in how journalists have been displaced in media houses by sales and marketing teams as effective decision-makers. Often, leading staffs in these teams have stronger bases and far larger pay packets than even the top editorial persons.
And the principle drive of these sales and marketing bosses is to maximize circulation or viewership, which then translates into higher profits. Like the tabloids of London, this can only mean a shortcut to sensationalism, by playing on and further magnifying basest prejudices, and this holds true as regards the issue of anti-Muslim prejudices as well.
Let me cite an instance. After the 19 September Batla House police encounter in Delhi's Jamia Nagar, some friends in an English TV news channel ran a half-hour prime time show raising all the doubts about the police claim that the two alleged terrorists shot down had killed Inspector MC Sharma. The show in the very next half-hour was, however, devoted to the many awards Sharma – a dubious police officer anyway with many "encounters" under his belt – had received in his lifetime. The first show got a viewership of around a fifth of the latter, and so from the next day they decided to adopt only the line on which the second story was based, thus pandering to the prejudices of the viewers because they found that profitable.
So you see, no matter what the hunks and babes of TV news tell you in their TV promos about how fiercely independent they are, the truth is that it is increasingly the marketing and sales teams that decide what shows should be made and broadcast or what articles and views should be published, or what should be 'consumed'. I am sure you know that readers and viewers are now called 'consumers' internally in the media
houses. I know that – I grew up in that environment and practiced it until I realised what I was doing and bolted from it. If you go to the office of any of the scores of TV channels that have cropped up you can see this for yourself. The entire process of deciding what programmes to do is based on what ratings, in terms of viewership, they are likely to get. These channels are staffed by men and women
barely beyond teenage, who are given hefty salaries but who have little or no knowledge of and empathy for their own societies, particularly for the poor and the oppressed. Many of such journalists are intellectual pygmies, not more intelligent and aware than George Bush.
In other words, all this talk of 'socially responsible media' is just for public consumption. So, to expect any kind of 'society first' attitude from this media is simply foolish.
In the US, if there is the rabidly right-wing Fox News and the Weekly Standard, there is at least a Los Angeles Times, and countless other liberal media projects. But in India, one simply despairs to find a single liberal media outfit that talks the language of sanity and practices the journalism of truth, at least on the issue of Muslims.
Q: What do you think Muslim organizations should do to counter the demonization of the community in the media?
A: To expect that the media, the courts, the police and the politicians would deliver on their own is futile. For this, one has to build public pressure. Muslim organizations and ordinary Muslims must get out of this sense of victimization in which they are trapped. I can empathise with them, given the concerted assaults on their lives and liberties. But they alone can bring themselves out of it. They have to mobilize their community and battle, without doubt in a non-violent way, for their
civil rights as Indians. What can they do? Well, if a hundred Muslims were to arrive in a courtroom when an innocent Muslim, falsely accused of being a terrorist, is brought before the magistrate, there would be immense pressure on that magistrate to record the statement of the accused instead of leaning the way of the police and sending him back with the police, to be tortured more. Mahatma Gandhi repeatedly said that none could be a slave if he was not willing. So, Muslims need to get out of their siege mentality, and stand up and speak from a position of fearlessness. After all, how many innocent Muslims can the police keep arresting or shooting down in fake encounters? During my travels, across India and recently even overseas, I remind my Muslim brothers of the non-violent resistance exemplified in the life of
the Prophet Muhammad, who agreed to a compromise with his Meccan opponents in the Treaty of Hudaibiyah and risked his leadership, but did not give up the peaceful approach. As an unarmed Prophet it was more difficult for his Meccan opponents to deal with him, and because of this he was able to change their hearts so much that the next year he triumphantly entered Mecca totally peacefully and the Meccans accepted Islam.
I know it is easy to pontificate. After all, I am a Hindu and I don't need to dread the evil state and the public bias that our Muslim brothers face. Yet, my advice to my Muslim brothers is to give up fear, anger and bitterness. This is a moral fight if ever there was one, and we must understand that though we are ranged against them, even the perpetrators of such horrific injustice on innocent Muslims are its victims.
Muslims must seek to build pressure on the judiciary and to engage with the Hindu middle-class and the media. But my biggest fear is, and I sincerely hope this does not turn out to be true, if the oppression of Muslims continues unabated they might find themselves pushed to the wall and might then react through counter-violence. And if, God forbid, this happens, because the entire system has failed Muslims, including the police, the courts, the politicians and the media, and they have been
denied justice and hope, then it would spell disaster for them as well as for the country. I am not being an alarmist, just realistic. It is time that the leaders of this country, or those who call themselves so, wake up to this danger ahead.
Q: You have investigated scores of cases of Muslim youth, many of them said to be former members or sympathizers of the banned SIMI, who, you have found, have been falsely accused of being responsible for various terror acts. Can you summarise your findings?
A: I have seen some 150 such cases, and these are meant to be the really serious or major ones. In none of these cases is there much, or, in the vast majority of the cases, any, evidence to establish the guilt of the accused. In fact, if anything, there is overwhelming evidence to establish the innocence of most of the accused.
Q: So, then, who do you think might be responsible for many of the deadly blasts that have taken place across India recently? In some cases, as the recent revelations about the Modassa and Malegaon blasts suggest, could Hindutva terror groups be involved?
A: I can't answer that question without firm evidence, but I would not be surprised if there is a link between the sudden increase in the incidence of such bomb blasts and the nearness of the Parliamentary elections. I think an in-depth study also needs to be made of the timing of such blasts. For instance, Manmohan Singh survives the no-trust vote in Parliament on July 22 and just three-four days later bombs go off in Bangalore and Ahmedabad. Then, a day after the fraudulent Nanavati
report on the Godhra train fire is released, Tehelka editor Tarun Tejpal held a press conference showing hidden camera's video of a petrol pump attendant in Godhra admitting he was bribed by the police to falsely accuse Muslims of buying petrol from him to burn the train.
Nanavati had premised his entire finding on the testimony of this petrol pump attendant, who we conclusively proved – in his own words – to have lied after taking a bribe. That press conference was broadcast live in the afternoon. It would certainly have become a big story for the news networks in the evening. But just about half an hour after the press conference, a bomb went off in South Delhi's
Mehrauli. And the media effectively dumped Tehelka's startling revelations to vacuously report on the Mehrauli blast. So, I think there is an urgent need to do a detailed study about precisely when such blasts happen, and perhaps on the
basis of that we can think of some causal relationships.
We must understand that it is not just the hardcore Hindutva outfits that are seeking to cash in on this rhetoric of terrorism. Look at the horrendous way in which
even in Congress-ruled states such as Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Delhi innocent Muslims are being hounded in the name of countering terrorism, at the same time as the Congress is soft-pedalling the issue of Hindutva terrorism for fear of losing Hindu votes. The Congress is no less a pathetically scheming party than the BJP.
Q: Some people have raised the possibility of groups like the CIA or Mossad being involved in acts of disruption in India in order to destablise the country and to drive it further into the embrace of America and Israel. How do you
see this argument?
A: On this I am wary of speculating anything, because I like to speak on the basis of evidence. But, yes, I would like the CIA's operations in India to be explored. We need to know a lot more about the CIA than we presently do.Unfortunately, many of us are blind to the reality of how shameless America and the CIA have been since the past century. The CIA has for long been involved in engineering internal strife
all over the world. US expansionism and imperialist hegemony is premised on promoting internal instability abroad. We know, for instance, how the CIA trained the Pakistani ISI and Osama bin Laden to fight the Russians. And now there's talk about the Americans and Israelis working with the Indian armed forces in counter-insurgency operations, and a separate institution for this has been set up somewhere in Mizoram. America and Israel have done everything in their power to bring hatred
upon their own countries. So why do we want to be in their league? Look at where Pakistan has reached—almost to the point of civil war—by siding with America. Do we want to go the same way? I,for one, do not.
Q. What do you feel about the 'Indian Mujahideen' and another outfit with a similar-sounding name that has been blamed for the Assam blasts? Do you think these are real organizations or are they, as some people allege, simply fictitious and perhaps a creation of the Hindutva lobby and/or the intelligence bureau? Is there any sold proof that these outfits do actually exist?
A. Once again, I can't say they don't exist without incontrovertible proof that indeed these are only a figment of the police's imagination. But the fact is that the
credibility of the Indian police and intelligence agencies is, as far as I am concerned, questionable, to put it mildly.Can you remember the last time the police in India genuinely cracked a case without public pressure, or came up with the truth, or did not try to implicate a wrong guy? I will take you back six years when
Delhi-based journalist Iftikhar Geelani was arrested by the Delhi Police and accused by the Intelligence Bureau of spying for Pakistan. The poor man spent seven harrowing months in Tihar Jail, on which he wrote a book, My Days In Prison. It turned out that the entire case against Geelani (not to be confused with Prof. SAR Geelani of the Parliament attack case) was fabricated by the IB. The secret and
classified document that the IB claimed was found on his computer was a document that was published by an Islamabad institute and widely circulated, including in India. In fact, so malicious was the IB that they altered the document to make it a look as if it was from the Indian government.
So, coming back to Indian Mujahideen, if the Indian security agencies and the police have a watertight case against this outfit, then why don't they bring the evidence
to the public domain? Why are they always racing to hold a press conference and plant stories of their claims through pliant journalists like Praveen Swami but never forthcoming with evidence? How do we know for sure that the e-mails that the
government claims were sent by IM were actually sent by it?
At this point, I must tell my Hindu brothers and sisters of the Indian middle class – many of who appear to be resolutely behind the IB and the police insofar as the Muslim-as-terrorists theories are concerned – that they should be careful in allowing their prejudices to get the better of their reasoning. I mean, just look at how the American white, Christian middle class plumbed for all the deceitful lying that George Bush did in order to get their support to attack Afghanistan and Iraq. When people ask me why would IB and the police lie, I ask them, why do they think George Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Colin Powell and Condoleeza Rice lied and continue to lie? After all, these were the top leaders of the world's most powerful
'democracy'. So let's not be naïve and reject the possibilities that the Indian Mujahideen does not exist.
Q. You say the timings of the blasts need to be studied and point to the fact of the sudden increase in these blasts as the elections draw closer, thus suggesting a possible causal relationship. Can you elaborate on precisely which
political forces/parties might stand to gain from these blasts, which, in turn, might shed some light on this possible causal relationship?
A. I must make this clear that I am not suggesting that any political party is behind the bomb blasts, though BJPleader Sushma Swaraj did stunningly seemed to suggest that the Congress might be behind the Ahmedabad blasts of July 26 this year. But isn't it obvious which parties stand to gain from the politics of polarizing that follows such terror attacks? It is obvious that the BJP gains a lot from consolidating an anti-Muslim bias among at least the urban Hindus by raising the fear of unchecked terrorism arriving at our doorstep. We now have the very interesting case unfolding in Maharashtra with the arrest of hardcore Hindutva elements for the September blasts in Malegaon. But, as I said, the Indian police cannot be trusted, and the entire Malegaon case could well be a political stunt by a desperate Congress party, which rules Maharashtra, to counter the political mileage that the BJP was hoping to draw from the blaming of Muslims for the other terror attacks.--By Yoginder Sikand (mediavigil)
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